OCR Text |
Show ENGLAND'S REFUSAL. History hns n flurried few Bituutiona of mightier responsibility than that in which Premier Lloyd George of England was plrn'.cd yesterday. Upon the word of this one man depended the future of Europe, tho cessation or continuance of the most fearful war mankind has known, tho cessation or contiuuanco of a daughter which appalls tho imagination imagina-tion and frightens tho world -when it trioH to think what the years just ahead of us hold in store for humanity. Facing this responsibility, the premier decided for war, "Anyone who wantonly prolongs this war," ho said, "has a crimo on his soul which oceans of tears could not cleanyo." He then gave the reasons why tho allies believed they were morally justified in rejecting tho Gorman Gor-man off or and continuing the conflict. And yet his speech did not constitute a complete non possimus. Its central thought is probably best expressed in the following paragraph: "We will wait until we hear what terms and guarantees there are surer than those which Germany broke. Meanwhile we put our trust in our unbroken un-broken army." Taken by itsolf, this paragraph is an invitation extended to Germany to set out terms of peace. Taken in connection connec-tion with other passages, it is a warning warn-ing to Gormany that it is useless to state terms of peace unless certain conditions con-ditions are fulfilled. "Without reparation peace is impossible," impos-sible," says the premier. It is noteworthy that the premier' uses the word "Prussia" to designate the enemy, as if he would make a distinction dis-tinction between the other German folk and the Prussians. He employs such sentences as these: "We entered it (the war) to defend Ku rc pe from the aggressions of the Prussian military caste. Prussia Prus-sia has been a bad neighbor. Now t hat tho war has been undertaken it would be folly not to see to it that this swashbuckling through the streets of i'urope and this disturbance of peaceful peace-ful citizens is dealt with here and now as the most serious offense against the j law of nations." While the speech cannot be construed , as slamming the door in Germany's face, it amounts to a rejection of the peace offer. It shifts the burden of blame upon Prussia and challenges the ' Prussian military caste ' ' to clear itself it-self of guilt, to make reparation which a victor is not willing to make, and to give guarantees of permanent peace. It adds fuel to that dying tire of debate which flamed forth in July, 191-1, burned furiously for a time and since has smouldered. Had the premier sought to conceal a wish for peace in the folds of obscure phraseology he would not, we believe, have studiously selected words that lash and sting. He would have avoided any insistence upon the guilt of the other side. He would have tried to stroke the fur in the right directiou. That he did not take pains to mollify tho enemy seems sufficient proof that ho did not care to mollify him. The premier's reference to Greece may indicate a determination to dethrone de-throne King Constantino. While official offi-cial recognition of the agents of Veiu-zelos Veiu-zelos does not mean a refusal to recognizee recog-nizee Const an tine as the lawful sovereign, sov-ereign, it may be a straw showing that the king has reaped the whirlwind. The premier does not absolve Groat Britain from responsibility for the crushing of Ku mania. He appears to admit that the collapse of Kuniania was due in part to the procrastination and indecision of the British government govern-ment which the new war council soks to eliminate. At the same time, he declares de-clares that strong measures have been 1 taken to help Rumania out of its de-1 plorable situation. What these may be, is not yet clear, and it is difficult to I see how Rumania can be extricated, at i the best, before next spring or summer. |