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Show iiis. 1-7- "ir ir -ir-. n -am - Parliamentary Proceduro and Confer- p King as Honest Broker in Political Crisis Kemd rrm 1 I BY ARTHUR LYNCH, M. P. I! I Special Cable to The Tribune, j j HOUSE OF COMMONS, LONDON, 1 f Aug. 6. "Wo English aro not a logi- i I cal people" that is a phrase often I heard in this country, and especially in f tho iKiliticnl world. Tt is n fthnr.nitar- r istic phrase, and well worth thinking M over by those who endeavor to see tho I trend of events in this part of the m world. It is a phrase which really cov-ers cov-ers a multitude of sins, but it indi- cates, also, a certain practical faculty I of considering, not so much theoretical X solutions, as tho strength of parties and jt. the give-and-tako of interests, wj , And so homo rulo may bo advanced W in what might seem the most unex- m pected way by tho success of the con- W ference which has been looked upon as : K a formidable stumbling block to the ' ft Irish cause. A word or two about tho I conferonco itself. It shows the tend- I m oricy here to remove government more 1; and more from the direct impact of J; democracy. The house of commons, K though it has the power of turning the I government on bloc, has really no great ;, 1 influence iu determining policy. The 13 house of commons 111:13- spend the K whole dav in discussing tho affairs B , of a little Welsh school, where some c? Wi dispute had arisen between tho Church tm of England 'people and the Dissenters, W or, as during last week, it may discuss m little local affairs in Scotland that m would seem more appropriate to a pur- li ish council. Hut, on the other hand, M the whole policy of tho foreign ofhee m may be reserved from debate, except jJ H in "a resolution at tho end of tho ses- H sion, whero it is amalgamated with w every other subject, affecting the gov Eh eminent, and where the debate is cut ji Fhort. by the guillotine of the closure, ty Under these circumstances questions KV of tho gravest import aro of leu un- M known 10 the house of commons alto- H gcther. tl Arranged by Cabinet. M All these nuilters aro arranged by the H cabinet. If in the dubatcs in tho houso M the government seems in danger, "a II whij)" goes out, and the question is II - made one of tho life or death of the M government. Under those circumstances M most of the speeches iu tho house of H commons only servo tho purpose of II "amusing the gajlcry." Tho .French II chamber of deputies speeches aro said II to bo made to show ability.. It is so here. also, however much immediate jl evidence might noem Lo bo against thatj fl supposition, M Tnc couforenco has iriven us the next I step of removal of policy from popular H control. Even the rank and filo of tho cabinet havo nothing whatever to do with the deliberations of the conference, confer-ence, and can only guess what is happening hap-pening there. There arc four members of the government, and four members of the opposition. Of tho four mem bcrs of the government, three Premier Asquifh, Chancellor of Exchoquer Lloyd George and Irish Secretary Birrell represent tho houso of commons. Lo.rd Crewe, the secretary of state for the colonial departmcnf.,"who represents tho house of lords, is the fourth of these negotiators. On tho opposition side only two members, Arthur .lames Balfour Bal-four and Austen Chamberlain, represent repre-sent the commons, and Lord Iiansdowno and Lord Cawdor represent the house of lords. Negotiations carried on in this style within closed doors arc a good deal removed re-moved from tho ideals of domocratic government, and they arc, far more than is healthful, snb.jcct to pressure from court circles. This is in accordance accord-ance with tho wave of daugcrous reaction reac-tion now passing over this country, which every one recognizes, but few have the courago to speak of. Instituted by King. The conference was really instituted by the king to .break the force of the public movement against tho lords. Tho removal of tho power of veto of the lords was considered necessary to secure se-cure various reforms, including home rulo. And yet and this is the point I wish to "elucidate out oC all this 6oeming contradiction a certain measure of homo rulo may arise. .That is, at least, the opinion of those best informed. in-formed. These contradictious and apparent ap-parent weaknesses aire not. the mere vacillations of weak politicians. Thoy show the reail tenacity of purpose of the British character. They show the readiness with which politieiayis like Premier Asqnith will sncrilico principles and promises, which he regards as tho accidentals of his career, in order to hold 011 to tho essentials place and power. About tho Premier. To come closer to realities, Jot us consider con-sider Premier Asquith himself for a few moments. Uo is :i typo which deserves de-serves to live in history, not as a great type, still less as a good man, but as the very core of Hnglish politics, and tho rounded perfection of middle-class mediocrity. Whenever I see him advancing ad-vancing to the table of the house Lo speak I know beforehand what he is going go-ing to say. I do not exalt my mind to sonic great principle, or invest my soul for a devouring desiro for reform. do not oven nccttso .Mr. Asquith of hypocrisy', 1 merely say, supposing it. as a good working hypothesis, how would 1 proceed if T wished simply to do the safe, lame, conventional, conservative con-servative thing, aind yet cover it with a certain gloss of hypocrisy and humbug? hum-bug? This good working hypothesis always gives 1110 the substance of Mr. Asquith 's speeches, though I do not wish to contend for anything more than what, the old philosophers used to call a " pro-establis'hed harmony." Asquith s appearance is in his favor, even in his limitations. Perhaps more than any member of tho house of commons com-mons he fulfills Milton -'s description of Beelzebub. "And in his rising seemed a pillar of state." His squaro figure of middle height, his boldly carved features, clean-shaven, rubicund countenance, coun-tenance, surmounted by his plentiful white hair; his slow, deliberate movements, move-ments, his cloar, metallic voice, tho lapidary style of his speeches, his lack of imagimition. or of expanded view, his want, of stimulation, his disbelief in progress, his forceful style or argument, argu-ment, and his disregard of logical conclusions, con-clusions, all this makes a picture of tho ideal linglish statesman, though it causes ai stranger to rub his e3'es to find in him the leader of a great Liberal party. Asquith is essentially the safe man. About Balfour. Opposed to him is Arthur James Balfour, Bal-four, a typo not so much of an English Eng-lish statesman as of a French academician. acade-mician. His tall, willowy figure, his aristocratic manners, his dejight in discussing abstruse questions in a tone of subtle iron' and wit, hia whole air of tho dilletantc of culture, somewhat bored by the questions lo which ho is endeavoring to lend somo graces of style, his atmosphere of skepticism, which seems to envelop most largcl' the principles of the party ho defends all this makes an interesting character, but as little the representative of John Bull prejudices as Asquith is the bold champion of progress aind reform. And it is in a virtual tete-a-tcto between be-tween theso characters, with tho kinc acting tho part of "honest broker" and holding a brief for the interests of his order, that the direction of English Eng-lish politics, and incidentally tho fato of home rule, are now being decided. No Longer Bogey. . But. on the other hand, home rule has now ceased to have terrors for English statesmen. It has been so ofton held 'H u d as a bogC3' that tho stolid English elector refuses to be alarmed. Balfour would cheerfully give some measure of home rule tomorrow if he were not & little afraid of tho criticism of hia party. That is the aittitudc of many of those who deliver quite blood curdling lH speeches against homo rule. And the jH electors, on their part, are so tired of lH this subject inccssantl' cropping up fM that they would mise no objection if their leaders roalK' determined to 6ettle it. Now, in the" light of all this to refer again to tho conference Premier Asquith was returned to power pledged to cripple tho lords. Tho con-ference con-ference intervened. There has been a lull in the political storm. But next xM session there must be a day of reckon- '.H ing. The Irish party would bo furious if the3' found that, having called oft? their opposition, thc3' had been de-j ceived in their main hope. Therefore tH while I am inclined to think the con- nH ference will end in a compromise that ijH will take tho steam out of the Liberal! ijiH movement, I think there is much sub-j stance in the idea that a settlement, even though an imperfect one, of the; H i Irish question is in sight. f |