OCR Text |
Show SUSPICIOUS LIBERALITY. With a liberality which is suspicious the German censors are permitting the speeches of Scheidemann and other Socialists So-cialists to get beyond the borders. German Ger-man Socialistic eloquence for the masses outside of Germany is considered quite proper, but in the fatherland the eloquence elo-quence is dammed at the source. Scheidemann and his eo-mates are preaching, not to the people of Germany, Ger-many, but to the peoples of the allied nations. What the purpose may be we can but conjecture. Perhaps the Wilhelm-strasse Wilhelm-strasse fancies that the masses in the enemy countries will be stirred to ro-volt ro-volt while the masses at home are being be-ing snugly protected from inflammatory inflamma-tory insurgents. Scheidemann assures us that Germany Ger-many will be democratic and Socialistic Socialis-tic "after the war." The majority will rule "after the war." Socialist reforms re-forms will come "after the war." The junkers, the pan-Germans and the conservatives con-servatives will be mere conscientious or conscienceless objectors "after the war." Having run the kaiser's errands during dur-ing the war, Scheidemann must now explain away the failure of the radical radi-cal reformers in Germany to carry out any part of their celebrated "international" "interna-tional" programme. "For a thousand reasons," he pleads pitifully, "the labor la-bor class cannot make front against the state, nor has it done so anywhere." The excuse is far from valid. Internationalism Inter-nationalism is peculiarly a German product. For years it has been preached throughout the world, and it has wrecked Russia in th. midst of war thus serving the purposes of German imperialism. One is tempted to suspect, sus-pect, as we have said ouce or twice before, be-fore, that German Socialism has been managed of late years as a part of the pan-German propaganda. It was combustible com-bustible material placed among the explosive ex-plosive elements in other nations. At home it was held within bounds by governmental manipulation. We have heard of a Socialistic meeting in Berlin Ber-lin which astounded the foreigner by its terrifying denunciations of the kaiser kai-ser in the most ferocius Teutonic gut-terals. gut-terals. And just when the foreigner expected someone to propose three bombs for the kaiser that someone proposed pro-posed a basketful of "hochs" and all the Socialists instantly were - on the benches, cheering for their despot. . Philip Scheidemann declares that at the next elections the Socialists will take control of the reichstag and the nation's "political power," and that the majority thenceforth will rule. But inasmuch as the reichstag, in the final analysis, has no political power, the Socialists So-cialists would be unable to control the German land if every member of the reichstag was of their political persuasion. per-suasion. The bundesrath is the real legislative power in Germany. It can adjourn the reichstag at any time. The bundesrath represents the various states ui uciuuuv aim me memoers are appointed ap-pointed by the princes. Of what avail, therefore, would it be to the Socialists if they were able to dominate the reichstag. They could be brushed aside as if they were so much dust on tho imperial council table. But perhaps Scheidemann means more than he says. In Germany, if a Socialist So-cialist is sincere and means anything, he must necessarily mean more than he says. If he says all that he means ho will be put where Liebknecht has been these many days in prison. Perhaps Scheidemann means that after the war or even during the war the Socialists will take control of Germany, not by electing a majority to the reichstag, but by a revolution. |