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Show rHfCEES Rl1 000 'HUNS 10(J (GIM ALLIES 10 IMPARTIAL JUSTICE President Answers the Recent Proposals of Central Powers in Address Ad-dress in New York. Five Thousand Persons Fill Metropolitan Opera Op-era House and Wildly Cheer Chief Executive. NETV YORE, Sept. 27. The price of peace will be impartial justice to all nations; the instrumentality indispensable indispen-sable to secure it is a league of nations formed, not before or after, but at the peace conference, and Germany, as a member, "will have to redeem her character not by what happens at the peace table, but by what follows." This was President 'Wilson's answer given tonight before an audience of fourth Liberty loan workers here, to the recent peace talk from the central powers, although lie did not refer specifically spe-cifically to the utterances of enemy leaders. Peace was not a question, declared the president, of "coming to terms," for "we can not 'come to terms' with them," as "they have made it impossible." impossi-ble." Peace must be guaranteed, "for there will be parties to the peace whose promises have proved untrustworthy, and means must be found in connection with the peace settlement to remove that source of insecurity." "It would be folly to leave the guarantee guar-antee to the subsequent voluntary action ac-tion of the governments wa have seen destroy Hussia and deceive Eumania," continued tho president. FIVE PRINCIPLES ARE ENUMERATED. The president emphasized that the justice to be obtained by the league must involve no discrimination toward any people. This he set forth explicitly in a set of five principles which he enumerated as the "practical program" pro-gram" of America's peace terms, and for the maintenance of which "the United States is prepared to assume its full share of responsibility." These principles were, he said: First, the impartial justice meted out must involve no discrimination botween those to whom we wish to be just and those to vhom we do not wish to be just. It must be justice that plays no favorites and knows no standard but the equal rights of the several peoples concerned. Second, no special or separate interest inter-est of any single nation or any group of nations can be made the basis of any part of the settlement which is not consistent with the common interests of all. NO ALLIANCES OR SPECIAL COVENANTS. Third, there can be no league or alliances, alli-ances, or special covenants and understandings under-standings within the general and common com-mon family of the league of nations. Fourth, and more specifically, there can be no special, selfish economic com- j binations within the league, and no em- (C?ntued pu Page Eleven. 1 PRICE OF PEACE IS I STATED BY WILSON i ! (Continued from raga One.) do incut of iuy iiorni nf eiumoimo boycott boy-cott nr oxcluMon, ci'cpt ns the power of economic penalty by exclusion from the markets of tho work! may bo vattod in 1 lie leapm of mil ions itnolf as ft mcati of discipline- uml control. 1'i I' tli, all itit er national apoomouts and t ivat ics of o cry kind must be made Known in their entirety to the rest of tho world. Restate Wnv Aims. Mr. W ilson restated the issues of the war us follow s: "Shall the military powtM- of any nation or Kioup of nations ho suffered to deier-Miliio deier-Miliio tho fortunes of peoples over whom thc' have no rijjht to rule oxcopt the ris lit of force "i "Shall shook nations be free to wron5 weuU nutiony und make them subject to i he purpose jind tnierr.st? ""liall peoples be rulcil and dominated, even In (heir own Internal affairs, by arbitrary arbi-trary uml irresponsible force or by their o n will and choice? "Sh.ili there be a common standard of rlsht and prlvllen for all peoples and nations or .shall the strong do as they "ill and the weak suffer without re- dr.-s.V "Shall the assertion of risht be hap-ha.rd hap-ha.rd and by casual alliance or shall thtuo be a common roncort te. oblige the oIis-tv.-uu'i' of common rights?" Me Hdded: "No man. no proup of men. chose these to be the issues of the Htmsffle. They are the it-surs of it," Sliort!y before the president started speuKinc newn of t he further poocesKes of American. British and frYench of fen -tsives on t lie western front reached the mention at tiie Metropolitan opera house and tins save dramatic point to Mr. Wilson's Wil-son's peroration that "peace drives" can be ei'.eci ivelv neutralized and silenced onlv by showing that every victory of the nations associated asainet Germany brings the nations nearer the sort of peace which will briiK security and reassurance to all peoples and: make t he recurrence of lui-other lui-other such ptruaijle of pitiless force and bloodshed forever impossible and that nothing else can. "Germain- is constantly Intimating the 'terms sne will ajvept; and always finds ' that the world des not want terms." de-char, de-char, -d the president. "H wishes the final trimn;i!i of justice and fair dealing." Great Audience Present. Vive thousand persons who filled the Metropolitan opera house to capacity beatd the president speak. Klve minutes before his arrival , a guard of soldiers, sailors and marines seated at the rear of the pl.wform were suddenly ordered to attention. at-tention. They arose with a smart click of rifles, the national colo--a were advanced, ad-vanced, and the great audience became si'ent. This dramatic quiet was maintained main-tained without interruption until the president. Ithout other warning of hlf coming, walked on tiie staire. escorted by IVn.iainin Strong, governor of the federal reserve bank of New York. Then a tremendous tre-mendous burst of cheering broke loose, which caused the president, after taking his seat, to rise three times in acknowledgement. acknowl-edgement. A sailor band played "America." the president joining with the audience in sim::n it Mr. Sfronc read to the audience a summary sum-mary of t'-'e 'ate reports show inc American Ameri-can t roops" advances during the day in F: a !ce. 'Our boys In France do not learn rad:Iy when to s".op fighting." he added. " T :uU is the spirit in which we must r.iUo the Liberty loan." t'heers greeted th.e news of the America Ameri-ca n sue es.-es. particularly when Mr. S' rong saitl tiie Yankee troops in their drive had re -'.aimed 10 J square miles of territory for France. Patriotic fervor seemed to reach its clin.a when the president aros to he-gin he-gin his nndrci-.i. t ie audience rising and ;n;.:n cherim: fir several minutes.- Mr. Wilson read from nrfrued text. Kor tn minute after the president started speakin tiie audience made not a sccind. and his vidce carried to a'l parts ot the t icred opera house. Put when he declared that the issues of the war "must 1,,-. settled bv no arrangement by com-pr"inie." com-pr"inie." applause broke . out spontaneously. spontane-ously. Again, when he said. "We cannot can-not 'come to terms" with them," there was another outburst; and again when be declared that "Germany will have to redeem her character, not by what happens hap-pens at the peace table, but by what follows." Throughout these demonstrations of a p: mval punctuated bis speech so that at times he was obliged to pause almost at the end of each sentence. Tiie president was driven to his hotel immediatelv at its conclusion. After resting, f owing his arrival In New York, the president, accompanied by Mrs. Wilson, M lss Margaret Wilson and Rear Admiral Grayson, left or Colonel House's residence, where they had dinner. din-ner. Among the other guests were Attorney At-torney General Gregory and Tesse Jonea of the American 'Red frus-. After dinner din-ner the president went to the Metropolitan opera house. Text of Address. The text of President Wilson's address follows: My fellow citizens: I am not here to promote the loan. That will be done ably and enthusi-atira:iv enthusi-atira:iv done by the hundreds of thousands of, loyal and tireless men and women who have undertaken to present it to you and to our fellow citizens throughout the country; and 1 have not the least doubt of thetr 'complete success: foe. I know their spirit and the spirit of the country. My confidence is confirmed, too, by the thoughtful and experienced cooperation co-operation of the bankers here and cvervwhere. who are lending their invaluable in-valuable aid and guidance. 1 have come, rather, to seek art opportunity to present to you some thoughts which, I trust, will serve to give you, in perhaps ftiller measure than before, be-fore, a vivid sense of the great issues involved, in order that you may appreciate ap-preciate and accept with added en- thttsiasin the grave sigml'ininee of the duty of supporting the government by vour men and your means to the ut- most point of sacrifice and self-denial. No mai, or woman who has reallv taken In what this war means can hesitate to give to the very limit of what thev have; and it is my mission mis-sion here tonight to try to make it clear once more what the war really means. Y'ou will need no other stimulation stim-ulation or reminder of your dtty. Issues of the War. At every turn of the war we gain a fresh consciousness of what we mean to accomplish by it. When our hopes and expectations are most excited -we think mure definitely than before of the issues that hang upon it find of " the purposes which must be realized by menus of it. For it has positive and well-defined purposes, which we did not determine and which we can not alter. No statesman or assembly created them; no statesman or assembly as-sembly can alter them. They have arisen out of the very nature and , circumstances of the war. The most that the statesmen or assemblies can do is to carry them out or be false to them. They were, perhaps, not clear at the outset, but they are clear now. The war has lasted more than four vears, and the whole world has been drawn into it. The common will of mankind has been substituted for the particular purposes of individual sta tes. Individual statesmen may have started the conflict, but neither they nor their opponents can stop it as they please. It has become a peoples' peo-ples' (war, and peoples of all sorts and race, of every degree of power and j varicv nf fortune, are involved in its I settlement. We came into !t when its character had become f ull v defined de-fined and it was plain that nn nati on could stand ap;rt or be lndiirrtiit tu its outcome. Its challenge drove to the heart of everything we cared f r Bn, lived for. Our brothers fro-n many lands, as well as our ou n murdered mur-dered dead under the s a . w ei e ca !!-r.g !!-r.g to us. and we responded, fiercely and of course. Accepted as Facts. The air was cleared about ue. e . saw things in their full, convincing proportions, as they w ere; and we have seen then with steady eyes and ' unchanging comprehension ever since. We accepted the issues of trie war as facts, not as any proup of men, either here or elsewhere, j,td defied them, and we can accept no oub cint which dies n"t squarely meet and settle set-tle them. Those Issues -nre these: Shall the military power of any nation na-tion or proup of nations be suffered to determine (lie fortunes of peoples ever whom thev have co rlht to rule, except the rii,ht nf force? -Shall strong na lions be free to vronff weak nn tions and make t hern subject to their purpose and Interest? Inter-est? Shall peoples he ruled and dominated, domi-nated, even In their own internal n f-iait f-iait by arbitrary and irresponsible force, or by their own will and choice? Shal there be a common standard of risrht and privilege for all peoples and nations, or shall the strong do as they will and the weak suffer w it flout fl-out redress? Shall the assertion of rlcht be haphazard hap-hazard and by casual alliance, or shall there be a common concert to oblige the observance of common rights? Must Be Settled. No man. no i;roup of men. chose these to be the Issues of the struggle. They are the issues of it ; and they must be settled by no arrangement or compromise or adjustment of interests, in-terests, but definitely, and once lor all. and with a full and unequiv ocal acceptance of the principle that the interest of the weakest is as sacred as the interest of. the strongest. This is what we mean when wo speak of a permanent peace, if we speak sincerely. Intelligently and with a- real knowledge and comprehension of the matter we deal with. We are all agreed that there can be no peace obtained by any kind of bargain or compromise with the governments gov-ernments of the central empires, because be-cause we have dealt with them already al-ready and have seen them deal with other governments that were parties g to this struggle, at Rrest-Idtovsk and Bucharest. They have convinced us that they are without honor and do not intend Justice. They observe no covenants, accept no- principle but force and their own Interest. We cannot "come to terms" with them. They have made it impossible. The . German people must by this time he fully aware that we cannot accept the word of those who forced this war upon us. We do not think the same thoughts or speak the same language of agreement. No Compromise. It is of capital Importance that we should also be explicitly agreed that no peace shall be obtained py any kind of compromise or abatement of the principles we have avowed as the principles for which we are fighting. There should exist no doubt about that. I am therefore going to take the liberty of speaking with the utmost ut-most frankness about the practical implications that are involved In it. If It be in deed and in truth the common object of the governments associated against Germany and of the nations .whom they govern, as I believe it to be. to achieve by the coming settlements a secure and lasting last-ing peace, it will be necessary that ell who sit down to the peace table shall come ready and willing to pay the price, the only price, that will procure pro-cure It; and ready and willing, also, to create in some virile fashion th6 only Instrumentality by which it can be made certain that the- agreements 1 of the peace will be honored and ful- , filled. ! That price Is impartial justice In every Hem of the settlement, no matter mat-ter whose interest is crossed;and not only impartial justice, but also the sat isfactton of the several peoples whose fortunes are dealt with. That indispensable instrumentality is a league of nations formed under covenants cov-enants that will be efficacious. Without With-out simh an mstrumen talit v, bv woodi antepd, peace will rest fn part upon the word of ou'luws and only upon that word. For Germany will have to redeem her character, not by what ha Miens at the peace table, but by what follows. League of Nations. And, as I se tt, the constitution of llmt league of nations and the clear de unit ion of Its objects must be a part. is. in a sense, the most essential pan, of the peace settlement itself, it cannot be formed now. It formed now, it would be merely a new alliance alli-ance com'. ned to the nations associated associ-ated against a common enemy. It is not likely that it could be formed after tho settlement. It is necessary to (Tuarante the pc.ee; and the peace cannot ho cuarant-'ed as an afterthought. after-thought. The reason, to speak in plain terms airain, why it must be guaranteed, is that there will be parties par-ties to the peace wlmse promises have proved untrustworthy, and means must be fnnnd in connection with the peace settlement itself to remove (hat source of insecurity. It would be folly tu leave the guarantee to the subsequent voluntary action of tiie governments we have seenV destroy Uussia and dec, ive Hu I na nia. lhit these general terms ,to not disclose dis-close the whole matter. Some details are needed to make them sound less like a thesis and more like a practical practi-cal program. These, then, are some of I he particulars, and- I state them with t: -0 greater confidence because -I can state them authoritatively as representing repre-senting this government's Interpretation Interpreta-tion of Its own duty with regard to peace: Pi r st The imnartial just ice meted out must involve no d : scrim inat ion between those to whom we wish to be just and those to whom we do hot wish to be just. It must be a justice jus-tice that plays no favorites and knows no standard but the eo.ua! rights of the several peoples concerned. Equality of All. ' S-ccond No special or separate interest in-terest of any single nation or any group of nations can be made the basis of any part.- of the settlement which is not consistent with the common com-mon interests of all. Third There can be no leagues or alliances or special covenants and im-rie-standinirs within the general and common family ot the league of nations. na-tions. Fourth (and more specifically) There can be no special, selfish economic eco-nomic combinations within the league a nd no employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion, except as the power of economic penalty by 'exclusion from the markets of tn world mav be vested in the league of nations itself as a means of discipline disci-pline and control. Fifth AH international agreement 9 and treaties of every kind must be made known in their entirety to the res t of the world. Special alliances and economic rivalries and hostilities have been the prolific curse in the modern world of the plans and passions that produce war. It would be an insincere, as well as in Insecure, peace that did not exclude them in definite and binding terms. The confidence with which I venture to speak for our people in these matters mat-ters does not spring prom our traditions tradi-tions merely and the well-known principles prin-ciples of jntornatlonal action which we have always professed and followed. In the same sentence in which I say that the United States will enter into no special arrangements or understandings under-standings with particular nations let me say also that the United States is prepared to assume its full share of responsibility for the maintenance of the common covenants and understandings under-standings upon which peace must henceforth rest. We still read Washington's Wash-ington's immortal warning against "entangling alliances" with full comprehension com-prehension and an answering purpose. But only special and limited alliances entangle ; and we recognize and accept ac-cept the duty of a new day in which we are permitted to hope for a general gen-eral ai'iance w hich will avoid entanglements en-tanglements and clear" the air of the . world for common understandings and the maintenance of common rights. Peace Intrigues. , I have made this analysts of the International situation which the war lias created, not. of course, because T doubted whether the leaders of the great nations ail peoples with whom we are associated were of the same again gets darkened 'v mist- and groundless do1. bungs and mischievous perversions of counsel ami it is ner-ess.iry ner-ess.iry once and again tH sweep all their irrtsponsiu'e talk about peace intrigues and weakening n:ora!e and doubtful purpose on the part of those in authority utterly and. if -4.ee. 1 he. unceremoniously, aside and s iv tilings in the plaint-si w on Is that can he found, even when it is only to say over and over ayain what has been said before. ic.i;e as plainly if in less unvarnished terms. As I have said, neit ner I nr any other man in governmental au:horiiy created or gave form to the issues of tb's war. I have simoly responded to them w'th such vision as I could command. Hut I have responded gladly glad-ly and witii a resolution that lias grown wanner and iore vonfiueut as tiie issues have grow n clearer and if. carer. It is now plain taal there a re issues which no man can pervert unless it he wi" fully. 1 am bound to fight for them, and happy to fight for them, as time and circumstances have revoakd them to me as to all the world. Our enthusiasm for them grows more and more irresistible (is t he sta nd out in more and more vivid and unmistakable outline. People's War. And the forces that fight tor them draw into closer and closer arr, . organize, their millions into more arfl more unconquei- We might, as they become more airrt move distinct "to the thought and purple of the peoples- engaged. It is the peculiarity of this great war that, while statesmen states-men have seemed to cast about, for definitions of their purposes and hac sometimes seemed to shift their ground and their point of view, tiie thought of tiie niasd of men. whom statesmen are supposed to - instruct and lead, has grown motv and morj? unclouded, more Mid more ci rfi in wh:it it is that toey are rghi'ing for. Nat ional purposes - : :i!'e:i more and more into the . a ' ground and the common i urpoe .-u lightened mankind h;s Ic. hen tliei r place. The councils of plain men have become on at! bauds more simple anil straightforward straight-forward and '.more united than the councils of sophisticated men of affairs af-fairs who still retain the impression that they are playing a game of power and playing tor high siaki s. That is why 1 have said that tins is the people's vv;ir. not a s ates-man's. ates-man's. Statesmen must follow the clarified common t bought or be broken. J, take that to be the significance of' the fact that assemblies and associations of many kinds made up of plain workaday people have demanded, de-manded, almost every time they came together, and are still demanding, that the leaders of their governments declare to I hem plainly what it is. exact ly what it is, that, they were seeking in this war, and what they tli ink the. items of the final settlement settle-ment should be. They are not yet satisfied with wh; t they have been told. Th'.y still seem to fear lliat they are g'. ' I; g what they ask for only in sta f suieu's terms only in the terms of territorial arrangements and divisions of power, and not in terms of broad vi-ioiied justice and mercy and peace a nd the sat isf act ion of v those deep-sealed longings of oppressed op-pressed and distracted men and women wom-en anil enslaved peoples that seem to them the only things worth fighting a war for that engulfs the- world. Perhaps Per-haps statesmen have not always recognized this changed aspect of tiie wholo world of policy and action. Perhaps they have nor always spoken in direct reply to the .jues-tions .jues-tions asked because they did not know how searching those ijtn stums H were and what sort of answers they demanded.. Purpose Is Clear. But'T. for one. am glad to attempt the answer again and again, m the hope that I may make it clearer and cl.-arcr that my one t bought is to satisfy those who struggle in - tho ranks and are, perhaps, above all others, entitled to. a reply whose meaning no one can have any excuse ex-cuse for misunderstanding, if lie understands un-derstands the language in which It is spoken or ca-i get some one to t ran shite it correct !y into his own. And I believe that the leaders of the governments with which we arc associated asso-ciated will spean, as they have occasion, occa-sion, as plainly as I have tried to speak. 1 hope that they will feel free to say wheth-T they think thai T am i urn ii r i I. ii i rTT y my purpose wfth regaid to the means by which a satisfactory settlement of those issues may be obtained. Unity of purpose : nd of counsel are as imperMiwlv necessary in this war as was unity of command in the battlefield; battle-field; and with perfect unity purpose pur-pose and counsel will come assurance of coinple'e victory. It can he bad in no other way. "Peace drives" can be effectively neutralized and silenced onlv by showing th.ac every victory of the -cat ions associated against Germany Ger-many brings tiie nations nearer th son of ptace, which will bring se- ourity and reassurance to ail peoples peo-ples and make the recurrence ot" an-oi an-oi her such struggle of pitiless force and bloodshed forever impossible, and that nothing else can. Germany is constantly intimating the "term's" she will accept; ami always finds that the world does not want terms, it wishes the final triufnph of justice and fair dealing. |