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Show Soviet Assistance Termed America's 'Great Mistake' By BAUKHACE News Anulyst and Commentator. VVN II Service, 1016 Fye Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. An nrmy officer, back from a long tour of duty In Germany, called on V i ' t , u i f - ' , me the other day. He was pretty pret-ty grim about the situation In Europe and into every few minutes min-utes of his conversation con-versation crept the word "Russia." "Rus-sia." "I like- to talk about America's great mistake," he said. "Ger-many "Ger-many is sup-posed sup-posed to have lust the war by making mistakes; by attacking Russia, by not invading invad-ing England after Dunkirk, by this and by that. I contend that America's Amer-ica's great mistake was not staying out of Europe until Germany had licked Russia. I mean staying out in every way. Because without American supplies Russia would have been beaten." I reminded him of the fact that America wanted a short war, that we had opposed Churchill's plan for attacking Europe through the Balkans and thereby obtaining possession pos-session of the trouble-making strip of territory which the Russians now dominate from the northern border , of Greece up through Berlin. We wanted to shorten the war by leaving leav-ing the eastern front to Russia while the western allies smashed the German power entrenched in France, the Low Countries and Italy. Thus, millions of American lives would be (and were) saved. Churchill Foresaw Balkan Influence Churchill probably foresaw the difficulties which would arise with a Russia able to expand her influence in-fluence up to the fringes of western Europe. Roosevelt believed that the war must be won quickly and he thought that by giving the Russians Rus-sians everything they asked for in the way of military support their suspicions would be removed and that they would play ball with the Allies in the peace and after. He believed that Stalin needed peace so badly that he would come around. General Eisenhower himself didn't achieve any more of a realistic realis-tic viewpoint in regard to Russia than Roosevelt did if we are to believe be-lieve his somewhat verbose Boswell, Mr. Butcher, in his 900-page diary. Butcher writes: "Ike said he felt that ... the more contact we have with the Russians Rus-sians the more they will understand us and the greater will be their cooperation. co-operation. The Russians are blunt and forthright in their dealings and any evasiveness arouses their suspicions. sus-picions. It should be possible to work with Russia if we follow the same pattern of friendly co-operation that has resulted in the great accord of allied unity. . . ." Roosevelt and the generals were proved right when they said Stalin needed peace. But they were wrong when they thought he would come around. The state department understands un-derstands the situation now and, as the recently concluded meeting of the foreign ministers demonstrates, appeasement has been over for some time. We know Russia can't fight and doesn't want to. Russia knows we can't fight whether we want to or not. She is acting accordingly ac-cordingly and according to historical precedent. Tragic History Inspires 'No-Ism' But anyone who studies Russian history knows that the eternal "no" which seems about the only answer the Russian statesmen are allowed to make, comes from something far deeper than mere stubbornness. This "no-ism" is only one of the many typical characteristics which the Soviets have revealed. It has nothing to do with the fact that they believe in a theory of political economy econ-omy which is opposed to our own. It is a deeply implanted quality which is Russian rather than merely mere-ly Soviet or Communist. And so when you read "Soviet Russia evoked the veto for the sixth time in security council history. . ." (maybe the 16th time by the time you read this) . . . remember it's an old Kalmuck custom. Mother Russia has taught her children from the days of the invasion of Ghengis Khan, that when a stranger beckons, beck-ons, the only answer is "no. no, a thousand times no!" In fact, a Russian seldom says "no" once it is always "net, net, net!" Of course, Ghengis Khan didn't take "no" for an answer. Which is about the course the rest of the world can follow if it can. Let's hope the process won't be as rugged. rug-ged. OP A pottle Has Political Side Whatever one may think of the intricacy of the economic theory behind be-hind the OPA, its political implications implica-tions are a thousandfold more difficult dif-ficult to assess. As congress battled over the tattered tat-tered remains of the price control law, many a congressman who thoroughly thor-oughly detested the whole, set-up began be-gan to worry a little as to what might happen back home if he were held partially responsible for wrecking wreck-ing the agency. It was all right for the representatives representa-tives of farm communities. The farmer would reap the reward of higher prices first. By the time he felt the effect of higher prices on the things he had to buy, OPA probably would be forgotten. But congressmen from industrial centers cen-ters were in quite a different position. These communities are heard from the moment the missus encounters a markup at the corner grocery. That is the reason that a number of Republicans Re-publicans supported the administration administra-tion stand on OPA. If the Republican Republi-can party is to capture the house of representatives next November, it will have to pick up votes in the cities. Barbers to Boost Vocabulary Too It is probably fitting that along with the dollar haircut which has made its appearance in metropolitan metropoli-tan barber-shops, we may find the barber presenting us four-dollar words. Barbers long have been known for the quality of their verbal verb-al output and in some cases for the quality as well. Now they may have p -hance really to reach the heights, for the leader of a barber's union has offered to "enlist the aid of 10,000 barbers" in a campaign to get some of the facts of atomic life across to the customer. Mrs. Lillian C. Watford, secretary of the Tri-State Atomic Information committee, received this offer. She told us about it at a gathering which we had in Washington in mid-July participated in by many nuclear scientists, public men and women of note, and others who are trying to get the public to understand the importance of control of atomic energy. She took the barber's offer of-fer quite seriously, and I believe, properly so. I hope that the barbers bar-bers learn to broadcast the basic facts about the atom, not of course, from the standpoint of nuclear physicists, phys-icists, but from the standpoint of the average man who would like to live his life out in peace, and leave a world in which his children can do the same. Congress Scans Types of Closing It took some time for congress to make up its mind whether it would adjourn "sine die" (without date set for reconvening), as they usually do when a session comes to an end, or whether they would "recess." When congress merely recesses it can reassemble without a special proclamation by the President. When the President calls congress into session he has to issue a proclamation. proc-lamation. That's all the Constitution Constitu-tion demands. He doesn't have to deliver it. ' Out of courtesy, however, how-ever, the White House always telegraphs tele-graphs the president of the senate and the speaker of the house. But the proclamation is not good unless the Great Seal of the United States is affixed thereunto. Nobody can do that but the secretary of state, for he is the keeper of the seal. So along with the proclamation, proclama-tion, the President has to issue a warrant, ordering the secretary of state to do the affixing. I might say that the secretary of state usually delegates this task, which reminds me of a story, which, I believe, never has been printed. When Secretary of State Hull had been in office 12 years, there was a little outburst of congratulations. President Roosevelt, as they were talking privately, remarked: "Cor-dell, "Cor-dell, you are the sole guardian of the great seal, as you know." fie paused, and Mr. Hull replied: "Yes, Mr. President." Then the President', looking him straight in the eye, asked: "Where is it?" It was Hull's turn to pause. "I don't know." he admitted, "I've never seen it." |