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Show I S g r7S7TS fTfTSN'Tr A W J7 SF 0 Great Speakers of. the Past Who Have IVVl V VN lJ R V W Contributed to tho Ghrentness S IN" FOUR PAPERS NO. 2. uv l. white busdet. ( The portraits of the men who have been elected ns Speaker hang on the walla of the members' lobby of tbe House of Representatives. Tljeso por-traits por-traits have not been placed there by net of Congress, paid for out of appro-prlatlons. appro-prlatlons. They are the Generous trlbuto of the members who served un-dcr un-dcr them, and they constitute a high testimonial to the esteem In which the Speakers have been held. There la no other public place In Washington, or ftl perhaps In tho country, whero there 13 Hj a like testimonial to distinguished pub- lie servants whero a whole line of men Hj who have occupied a great offlco are Hl so remembered without a legislative act and without an appropriation of public In this group of portraits are faces that are unfamiliar to tho public, and under them are names that aro also un-familiar un-familiar to even those who have a fairly comprehensive view of American his-tory. his-tory. But there arc others whoso feat-ures feat-ures arc familiar to all and whose names are Indelibly fixed In American history. The names of Henry Clay, Robert C. "Wlnthrop. Nathaniel P. Banks, Schuyler Colfax, James G. Elaine. Samuel J. Randall; John G. Car-lisle Car-lisle and Thomas B. Reed are all as con-splcuous con-splcuous In the history of the country Hj as are tho names of the Presidents, and Hl several of these names are as luminous BJ on the hlstorlo pages as those of tho most illustrious Presidents, with the cx-Hj cx-Hj ceptlon of "Washington and Lincoln. Several ,pf these Speakers left a greater impression on the country by reason of ) their public service than did the Presl-dents Presl-dents who occupied the "White House at the time they were In the Speaker's Two Names That' Stand Out. There are two names which stand out in this list of Speakers with particular brilliancy, not only as Speakers, but as public men who were as near public idols as any men in our history. These 'are Henry Clay and James G. Blaine. They were both in their day tho most Hl popular leaders not only .of their par- Hj ties, but of the people, and they both left their impress most forcibly marked Hj on the page of American history. Hj Mr. Blaine, In his "Twenty years of Congress," said of Henry Clay: "He Hl was a statesman by intuition, finding a Hl s remedy before others could discover HJ the disease," and in this sentence the 1 "Plumed Knight" has described himself as well as the first great Speaker of the House of Represnetatives, Henry Clay and James G. Blaine were' both Hl great nnd popular Speakers, leading the Bjl House where they desired it should go, regardless of the recommendations of Presidents or the maneuvers of Sena-tors. Sena-tors. They both had"the greatest and most loyal following of any public men of their day, but both were denied Bjj their ambitions to occupy the Presl- dent's chair. Some have thought that their names on the pages of history the Hh brighter because their best years were 1 given to legislation and diplomacy Hfl rather than to administration, because both were better fitted for battle at the Bf head of willing followers than to .sim- ply direct the execution of the laws. Hfll However that may be, it would have Bjj been difficult for either to have added to his fame by a tenn in the White House. I Political Leader of House. Neither of these men regarded his election as Speaker as shelving him from active party leadership on the assumption as-sumption that the Speaker's chair wa3 that of an umpire or moderator between be-tween contending forces. Both acted on the theory that the Speaker was the political leader of tho House, and so chosen to use the power given him to carry forward the policies he and ills party believed of vital Interest to the country. Neither ever apologized for his use of tiie great power Intrusted to him, and neither accepted the theory that Congress was the servant of the Executive. Both took Issue with the President when that ofllclal did not-agreo not-agreo with their Interpretation of the policy of their parties. Henry Clay was so courageous in his leadership and so resourceful in the u'so of his power as Speaker that he led tho country and formulated the policies of the administrations of Presidents Madison Madi-son and Monroe, compelling these Presidents Presi-dents to follow rather than lead. He made the Speakership the first political office of the Government. He was elected Speaker in 1811, when he. was only W years of age, and he boldly took up the leadership not only of Congress, but of the Government, and forced the war with Great Britain. Ills leadership was acknowledged by the President, who selected him as one of the commissioners com-missioners to negotiate peace with Great Britain. Hfl He led the Government in the estah- Iishment of the principle of internal im-fl im-fl provements and in fixing the American policy of protection. Henry Clay was In hi3 day regarded as a typical Amerl-BJ Amerl-BJ can. He may have been called a. jingo Bflj by somo of the conservatives, but such BB an application had no terror for him BB or hl3 followers. When Clay became B Speaker' he was for war with England, BAj and his shibboleth was "Free trade and Bl sailors' rights." He did not hesitate to Bfll organize the I-Ioutfe in harmony with BB his policy, and the House was for war. B The President was conservative and timid. The Speaker was bold and seUN BB' reliant. Tho House was with him; and BH so was the country, Pressure -'-wjus BBI. brought on the Senate and the.lOxepU- BH, tlye.' and war It was. . - v BHj ' John Randolph summed up the rela- BH BM tions of President Madison and Speaker Clay with the Query: "After you have raised these 25,000 men, shall we form a committee of public safety to carry on the war, or shall we depute tho power to the Speaker? Shall we declare that the Executive, not being capable of discerning dis-cerning the public Interest, or not having hav-ing spirit to pursue It, wc have appointed appoint-ed a committee to take the President and cabinet Into custody?" With President Monroe, Speaker Clay was no moro re.ldy to acceat dictation from the White House than he had been In his relations with President Madison. Neither was President Monroe willing to'follow tho lend of tho Speaker, but In the contest the Speaker had the better bet-ter success because ho had the loyal support of the House of Representatives, Representa-tives, and influence enough with tho Senate to override the President's vetoes. ve-toes. Some people outside of Congress may have regarded Clay as a dictator, but lie never heard that criticism In the House. Ills political rule satisfied the House, and that body was proud of Its Speaker. Clay was six times chosen Speaker of the House, and throughout that long service he was the Ideal presiding pre-siding officer to those who willingly acknowledged ac-knowledged his political leadership. Mr. Blaine, in summing up his sketch of Henry Clay, says: "Other men have excelled him in specific powers, but In the rare combination of Qualities which constitute at once the matchless leader of party and the statesman of consummate consum-mate ability and Inexhaustible resource, he has never been surpassed b'y any man speaking the English tongue." . Blaino Brilliant as Clay. What Blaino said of Clay many men have said of Blaine, since his remarkable remark-able public career was finished. These two men were the great political leaders of their times, and both developed as leader in the Speaker's chair. Mr. Blaine was as dashing and brilliant as Henry Clay. He was as tactful, too. and the House recognized and followed his political leadership. He did not, like Clay, take issue with the President of his own party, but President Grant recognized Congress as the law-making power, and did not seek to direct It. He was satisfied to execute the laws as given him, saying that the best way was to strictly enforce It. Speaker Blaine was the political leader in Congress, Con-gress, and none disputed his position. He had to rule the minority with less consideration than have some of tho Speakers, but he was dealing with the sectional questions growing out of reconstruction, re-construction, and ho had a minority which was stubborn and belligerent, lighting against the enforcement of law enacted for the protection of the freed-men. Schuyler Colfax was one of the most popular Speakers, serving three terms and then elected Vice-President. Colfax Col-fax had to deal with reconstruction nnd he was tactful In the Speaker's chair, but he did not assume the bold leadership leader-ship of Clay and Blaine. Samuel J. Randall was one of the most popular and powerful Speakers elected by the Democrats since tho Civil War. . He brought about a change In the rules to make more definite the Speaker's authority, and he aald of tho office: "Soon after I entered this House I came to consider that that office was the highest .ofilce within the reach of an American citizen, that It was a grand official station, great in tho honors hon-ors which It conferred and still greater in the ability it gave to Impress upon our history and legislation the stamp of truth, fairness. Justice and right. ' " " When It fell to my fortune to occupy the Speaker's chair, I realized how true was my Idea of the position." Tribute From, an Opponent. Mr. Randall had been chairman of the Committee on Appropriations before he became Speaker, and was one of the Democratic leaders throughout his Congressional Con-gressional career. Like Mr. Blaine, his retirement from the Speakership was due to the loss of the House by his party, and he returned to the position of minority leader on the floor, where he continued to wield great Influence, even thbugh he was not In complete harmony with his party on the tariff question. Mr. Blaine said of Randall as Speaker: "He never noglects his public duties and never forgets the Interests In-terests of the Democratic party." John G, Carlisle was another very popular and very strong Democratic Speaker, and ho also held the place througli three Congresses. Mr. Carlisle was more like Clay than either Blaine or Randall in the use ho made of his power as Speaker. He boldly announced an-nounced the principle that the powers of the chair should be used', not in a spirit of balancing favors to majority and minority, nor even In a spirit of obedience to the dictates of the majority, ma-jority, but In accordance with the Speaker's individual judgment. He considered the Speaker as the leader of Congress and that he should have a definite legislative policy, using the great power of the ofilce to carry forward for-ward that policy. Mr Carlisle was Speaker throughout President Cleveland's Cleve-land's first administration, and he wns the more effective leader of the two, touching the advancement of Democratic Demo-cratic policies, though a Republican Senate Interposed a veto against legislation legis-lation along Democratic lines. Thomas B. Reed, by reason of the decisive de-cisive action ho had to take to enable tho majority to legislate, became knovn as the boldest and most radical of Speakers in the use of the power placed in his hands. But in his first term, when he was denounced by the minority as a czar, he was nearer in line with Blaine and Randall than with Clay and Carlisle In the use of the Speaker's power, or In his conception of bow that power should be used. Mr. Reed became Speaker when the Republican Repub-lican party returned to full power In tbe executive and both branches of the legislative departments of the Government, Gov-ernment, with a definite policy to carryforward; carry-forward; that was the policy of protection. protec-tion. President Harrison was elected on thfit policy, and so was the Republican Congress, Choso McKinley and Cannon. Harrison recommended legislation carrying out the pledge of the party, and Reed as Speaker used the power of his ofilce to that end. He chose his competitors before the Republican caucus, cau-cus, William McKinley and Joseph G. Cannon, for his associates on the Committee Com-mittee on Rules to shape, the, legislative programme, and he made one chairman of tbfl Commltteo of Ways and Means and the other chairman of the Committee Commit-tee on Appropriations. In this wav Speaker Reed had In his inner councils, and wHh joint responsibility for the Committee on Rules, the chairmen of the two leading committees controlling revenues and expenditures. - This triumvirate formulated the legislative legis-lative programme for tho Fifty-first Congress, and they divided tho work of "carrying It forward,' but the Speaker i had to accept the full responsibility for the precedents established. McKinley, at the head of the Ways and Means Commute, prepared the tariff bill; Cannon Can-non reported the rule agreed upon for Its passage, and tho Speaker counted a quorum to enable the House to do business. The passage of the McKinley bill was tho chief feature of the legislative programme pro-gramme in the, first session of the Fifty-first Congress. All other matters were subordlnato to this, and so recognized recog-nized by both political parties. The Republicans had a small majority, and the Democrats began n policy of obstruction ob-struction from the beginning to prevent this ono act. Speaker Reed realized that he had to deal with obstruction in a more exaggerated form than any o his predecessors, and he had the determination deter-mination to meet It and deal with it as no Speaker before him had done. It matters little what was the point against which the filibuster was begun, the Speaker had to meet it in the beginning begin-ning or submit to it through the session ses-sion and permit the minority to control the House. Wlien Reed Counted a Quorum. The Democrats chose to besln their obstruction in an . election case. The Constitution says: "Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of Its own niembers." There Is no appeal from a majority of the House on such a question. The minority, mi-nority, therefore, determined not to allow al-low the majority to give a verdict. They begap to filibuster. They demanded a roll call and then refused to answer to their names, with the purpose of breaking a quorum. Speaker Reed directed di-rected the clerk to record as present a number of members ho saw in their seats who had refused to vote. In that way he made a quorum. He denied tho fiction that a man could.be physically present and ofilclally nbsent at the same time. His action was denounced as revolutionary and unconstitutional. This denunciation had no effect upon the Imperturbable man who occupied the chair, for he had fully considered the whole programme and felt that he was making a precedent that would bo justified by history. And so it was. The whole country took up the discussion, discus-sion, and the Spenker was called a czar, a tyrant, and a despot. There were pages of parliamentary discussion, but It in nowise affected the decision. The House was In an uproar for days, and men were ready to go to extremes to defeat the ruling of the chair. But they were dealing with a man of iron will and cool nerve. He alone was calm In the face of the' storm, and he won not only there, but hi parliamentary practice ever afterward. The court sustained him, and so did the Democratic Demo-cratic party when It come to exercise the same control the Republicans had In. that Congress. Tho Democrats In the next Congress followed Reed's rules. Bowed to the Majority. Mr. Reed was regarded as arbitrary vby some of his own followers, but he did not refuse to nllow the majority to control, even when lie did not agree with the majority. He was not as arbitrary arbi-trary as was Carlisle, who put his own personal will above. that of the majority that elected him. Reed did not desire to annex Hawaii, but when a majority signed a petition for annexation by Joint resolution the Speaker stood aside and permitted the act. Reed did not want to pass the Cuban resolution, but he bowed to the will of the majority which elected him and whose servant he was. Reed was one of the most forceful men who ever occupied the Speaker's chair, and ho accepted orders from neither the President nor the Senate, Sen-ate, but be did not use the power placed In his hands against the majority ma-jority he represented. There he drew the line, and there he acknowledged his master In the majority of the House, authorized by the Constitution to choose Its own Speaker and proceed to legislation. legis-lation. There have been other forclbls and interesting in-teresting Speakers, and tholr administrations adminis-trations contribute muc.h to our history, his-tory, but Clay tind Blaine, Carlisle and Reed best represent the high attributes of the office as one of political leadership, leader-ship, and the different policies that have been pursued In making this loader-ship loader-ship felt. Clay and Carlisle n.adc It political leadership, as representing yie party responsible for thorn In the office, of-fice, and the responsibility they owed to' the majority to carry out Its will. Blaine and Reed used as much personal force to carry out their conception of the high office ns did Clay nnd Carlisle to carry out theirs, and history bus recorded re-corded that theirs is the higher and better bet-ter conception, moro in harmony with the spirit of the Constitution, and the basic idea of a government by the people. peo-ple. Copyrlcht. 1003, by S. S. Cllne. |