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Show T. P. O'CONNOR, M. P., MAKES AN j E AH NEST PLEA FOE, A UNITED j IRISH PARTY. j i At a great Nationalist demonstration at Arva, cou'niy t'avan, the principal speaker was T. P. O'Connor. M. P.. . who made a powerful argument in favor of a united people and party, j His speech was as follows: There are periods in the history of a j I country when it may have seemed un- , j certain as to the aims which it ought ! ! to pursue, and as to the means by j which these aims ought to be carried ; out. But at this moment in Ireland ; there is no uncertainty as to the means i we ought to pursue; and in my opinion there ought to be just as little uncer- j tainty as to the methods and means by which these aims should bo carried out. Now, what are our aims? In the first place we want to get the control of the destinies of the people of Ireland Ire-land into the hands of the representa- j tives of Ireland, sitting in an Irish Parliament on Irish soil and in the Irish capital. We are convinced that the only way and the only method by which our people can be properly governed gov-erned is not by the stranger in the Parliament of the stranger, but by themselves in their own Parliament, and if we require proof of the truth of that proposition we have only to look around at these beautiful and fertile fer-tile fields which, but a generation or two ago. were studded almost every acre of them, by the cottages of the industrious in-dustrious fathers of families, and which today are almost desolate in many parts of the country, as if they had never yet been trod by the foot of civilized men. I called attention in that great and magnificent convention held in Dublin a few weeks ago to the fact that this drain of the best blood of Ireland, this departure from her soil of men and women in their youth and in their strength, in the bloom of their manhood and their womanhood, instead of coming to an end. was going go-ing on almost as fast as ever; and that in the last ten years of division and disunion and weakness we had lost nearly 500,000 men and women, or about tone-ninth of the.small population left to Ireland by famine and emigration, and I suppose there is not a man or woman in this great gathering that has not a relative in America, driven thepe not by any weakening of their devotion for Ireland, not by tiny desire to leave the house and the old home of their fathers and mothers, their brothers and sisters, but driven there by the system of landlordism and by alien rule. We want to stop emigration, to make the land of Ireland welcome and hospitable to its own people, so that they may no longer be driven from its bosom into other lands. Well, -we have already made several inroads and several gaps i in the citadel of landlordism. I am old enough to remember the time when I saw the tenants of Ireland driven to the polls like sheep in pens that they might vote, not for the man who shared their convictions and defended their rights, but for the landlords, who were ready to drive them from their homes. I am old enough to remember how the landlord could raise rents at his caprice on every tenant in Ireland; artd I have lived to see the day when, through the power of the landlord is not yet broken, though the citadel to a certain extent still stands, yet every Irish farmer is free from eviction and from the raising of rent: and then en-ants, en-ants, in place of sending landlords to j represent them in Parliament, are able, in the secrecy and power of the ballot I act, to send to the House of Commons j a representative whose business it is to i make war upon landlordism, and to defend the rights and the liberties and 'the comforts of the people. Well, so 1 much has been done; but more till remains re-mains behind; still the landlord has powers of which we want to deprive him. He is able, through Dublin Castle, to man and i nack every law coTirt, which is to try your interest and his; he is able s'till I to stand between you and absolute ownership of your holdings and we want to see 'the day when the landlord will not be able to stand between the I ten ?nts and the ownership of their holdings, but when you, with the money 1 of the British treasury at your back and in your pockets, will be able to go to the landlord and give him the notice to quit that he gave you. In other j words, the very first demand of a new Irish party in a new house of commons com-mons must be a great measure of land purchase, by which it will net be left to the landlords, but to the tenants to decide, and under which in the course of a generation every farmer in Ireland will look abroad on the fields, I tilled by his own hands, as an inheritance inher-itance for h's children and owned by I no 1'ord but the Lord above. Am I j speaking of dreams or unrealities, or impossibilities or improbabilities? No, Mr. chairman, because you here in Ulster Ul-ster are just as well aware of the fact as I that in the next parliament the demand for absolute land purchase will be made not only by eighty or eighty-four eighty-four nationalist representatives, but will be backed also by 'nearly every single member that comes from. Ulster, whether orangeman or nationalist. We had a debate I think it was in the very last session of parliament on a motion in favor of compulsory land purchase. Well. I need not tell vou every Irish nationalist member srke in favor of the motion 4: hat was only to be expected: but, immediately after they had spoken, up got Mr. Moore, the Tory representative of an Ulster constituency, and he announced the f adt that he was also pledged to his constituency, sturdy, strong, no-popery Ulster farmer,1", in favor of compulsory com-pulsory purchase and Mr. Lonsdale another an-other unionist representative, was also lected on the principHJ of compulsory land purchase; and. in fact, the one single representative from all Ireland, mirth, south, east or west, who was opposed to compulsory purchase was poor Colonel Saunderson. who. at least, has the courage of his convictions, convic-tions, though he appeared as sad and forlorn as if he was a wet crow standing stand-ing on one leg on a wall during a shower of rain. And. therefore, I think, I have clearly proved the proposition propo-sition with which I set out, that compulsory com-pulsory land purchase is a measure of reform which is practical, real, and within reach of the Irish people on one condition. And now I will come to the condition. I have spoken of the ends we have in view; now I speak of the 1 means,, by which these ends are to be attained. You cannot have a united Irish party, you cannot have a loyal party, you cannot have an honest party, you cannot have a powerful power-ful party except on one conditionand condi-tionand that is, that behind the party there is a united, organized people. Blame Irish members for faction, abuse them for want of patriotism, denounce tlunkeyism. exhaust all the expletives of vituperation upon their guilty heads when you have done that go home and exajnine your own consciences, in the silence and privacy of your own homes, and if you do yu will come to the conclusion that it Is" only a disunited dis-united people that will have a disunited party. If you have a disunited party, an unpatriotic party, a faction ist party, par-ty, all the blame must be laid upon their heads, but must also be laid upon your own, both for your own want of union and your own want of proper organization. or-ganization. Then I come to the next question if you are going to organise,' how are you going to do it? There is only one organization before the country, coun-try, and that organization is an honest organization, a representative organization, organi-zation, therefore, that is entitled to your confidence. You know what organization or-ganization I mean the United Irish League. I know certain objections are made to the organization. There never was an organization that was not objected ob-jected to. You all have heard, and most of you, too. were members of the Land League. Did it get on without obstacles and objections? Why. some of the young fellows or today speak as if the Land League was received with acclamation by all the people of the country and all the members of Parliament. Par-liament. Nothing of the kind. You are aware that there were thirty-five or forty, or even fifty, in the party of 1889 who refused to accept the Land League or the leadership of Mr. Parnell. And what happened? The Land League spread all over Ireland in spite of these obstacles and in spite of these men. The Land League in the end became almost more powerful than the government govern-ment Itself; and the result was that the English ministers of today brought forward a land bill, which ten or fifteen fif-teen years before would have been received re-ceived by every tenant farmer in Ireland Ire-land on bended knees, with tears and prayers of gratitude to. the government that passed it. What happened In 1SSI ? The people of Ireland, drawing in strength from the Land League in their organization, and their unity, were able to say to the British government and the British Parliament. "Well, it is a pretty good act in one way, but we are not quite sure whether we will take it or leave it; just pass it as you please;" "and from the fact that we were able to take up that attitude, and to tell Parliament Par-liament that we did not care whether they passed i,t or not, that was the very reason they passed it into law. That bill was passed, not by the good will of the ministers, though there were some good men amongst them, nor by the good will of the House of Commons or the landlords, but. because the Irish people organized in the Land League were able to defy the government. Now, I want to tell you that it is your business to make the Lnited Irish League so strong, so united, so disciplined, disci-plined, that at the back of the united Irish party it would be able not to humbly hum-bly accept, but to arrogantly demand. ' the settlement of the land question on the basis of the expulsion of landlordism, landlord-ism, and to make the people the owners own-ers of the soil. Well, now. I have heard it said that this organization is ruled by one man, or set of men. Well, all I can say is that in every parish, and in every county, every Nationalist is free to join the organization. If he wants one man at the head of the organization or-ganization instead of another it is his duty to fight for his man. And this organization being open and free to every ev-ery Nationalist in the country, if he finds fault with it. and if he wants to improve It, he ought to enter the or- ! ganization and impVove it from inside instead of opposing and criticising it from outside. Now, finally, I come to the question of the Irish parliamentary pary. Well, my friends, I make to you a frank confession that for many years that party has not been what it should be. For many years that narty has been slack in attendance, divided in councils, full of dissension and disunion. Well, now, I must immediately add that If you are going to send to the hpuse of commons the same kind of party you had better have no party at all. If you have a party, wholly honest, wholly united and wholly patriotic, it is good, but you cannot have a half-and-half party. If you have a party some members mem-bers only of which are honest and patrioticand pa-trioticand there are as noble and honest hon-est men in the ranks of the. parliamentary parliamen-tary party as ever served Ireland I say it is not good, for the bad men will destroy the work of the good men, and absolutely paralyze the true men. I want to impress on the people that this is not the time for any .narty but a party every man of whom is trusted, riglatly trusted, by the people as honest, patriotic and disciplined, and really loyal to the chairman, to the rules and discipline of the Irish party. Well, the people have this question in their own hands. It is not Mr. Redmond: it is not Mr. Dillon: it is not any prominent member of the Irish party, however great his .services to Ireland, who has the right or the duty to decide this question. Kach constituency, in convention con-vention of the branches of the organization, organi-zation, will have the right to nominate, and by nominating practically the right to elect, a proper representative. I leave the issue confidently in their hands. I know the Irish people are sometimes deceived once, sometimes twice. I don't think they are usually deceived three times. You have had the opportunity of judging the political character and the political career of every single member of the Irish party for the last ten years, and of some of them for the last twenty years. It would be a monstrous injustice on your part, whatever side you took iif the recent re-cent struggle that divided us. to refuse a man your confidence because he honestly hon-estly differed from you on such a difficult diffi-cult and vexed question as rent us asunder in the time of the split. I say now, and I said it from te very beginning; be-ginning; that it was a great and difficult diffi-cult question upon which honest and able men might legitimately and honestly hon-estly differ, and it wouli be folly and madness on your part to separate from any man because on that question h- happened honestly and patriotically to differ from you. Upon the other hand, there is dishonest difference of opinion, as well as honest difference of opinion, t and I hold it is the right, and I hold I it is the duty of the people and the I constituencies o Ireland to narrowly I and closely and mercilessly scrutinize the records and career of every representative repre-sentative of the people, and to isend back to parliament no one single man who has legitimately forfeited thcon-fidence thcon-fidence of the people and of his constituency. con-stituency. Now, I desire to allude to one other subject. You should be judged by your works, and not by your professions. You have accepted my statement today that organization is necessary, and you have accepted my statement that a united Irish party can I gain for you more benefits and bless- j ings, and you must know that you can only obtain them by properly support- f- ing the party you send to parliament. Men give up their time: men give up j i their business; me give hard and weary 1 " attendance in the house of commons. j They can only do so if the people are at their back and give them their mor- ', al and financial support. Now. all that. to put it shortly, means that within th , j next few days, or next week, I hope the men of Arva and the surrounding districts dis-tricts gathered together will put their hands in their pockets and make a large and generous subscription to the general election fund, and in that way lay the foundation for an honest and effective and united Irish parliamentary parliamen-tary party. MURDER OF A BISHOP. Rev. Father Sette. a missionary who escaped massacre in Southern Hunan by the aid of native converts, arrived at Shanghai on Aug. 1. and gives the following story of the massacre of the Bishop of the diocese, Antonio Fan-tosili. Fan-tosili. three fathers and some native Christians and the total destruction of the mission property in the district: j "The persecution began on July 4 !n ! i the Christianity of Hen-Cian-Fu. The ' reverend father director of the Chris- S tianity had Just time to fly from the ! f mission when the Boxers arrived, and t immediately commenced their vandal- I ism. The churches, the procuration and ..; f all the houses of Christians in the dis- lr t trict were set on fire and utterly des- j! I troyed. Having completed their ne- jj I farious work at Hen-Cian-Fu. th j I rioters proceeded to Huan-Sa-Van and j i renewed the work of destruction. Some : i of the priests fled to the neighborhood ! t of Pei-Saen. The Rev. Father Querino J j Fleringh. from Belgium, was wounded j ? and died two days later. Father Cesinio j Ciaomantonio was killed and his body j burned by the murderers. His Lord- ; ship the Bishop was absent from the j procuration at the time on a visit to j - Leiyan. The Boxers followed In search of the Bishop, but some of the villagers ; , gave warning of the occurrences at i Hen-Cian-Fu and the approach of the murderers, and the Rev. Father Director Di-rector Guiseppe Gambaro and Bishop Antonio Fantosali ran to the river and got on board a boat to return to Huan-Sa-Van. On reaching Hen-Cian-Fu they were met by the howling mob of rioters, who surrounded and massacred . them. Their bodies were hacked to pieces and then burned, their very bones being burned to ashes, which j were scattered in the air. Two Chinese priests were also killed in other Chris- . tianities. and every Christian house in I the vicarage was destroked. The Rev. j Fathers Besilio Radoni. Dnlmasa O. J Pedroni, Michell Intitta and Bonaven- : ture de Solomona sought refuge in th mountains between Hen-Cian-Fu and t Chian-Su, where at last accounts they had managed to elude capture by the t Boxers." Father Sette. describing his escape, said that after hiding for three days !n j the hills he was sought out by some Christians, who carried him in a j closed bamboo bier to the river side, J where for three more davs he lay hid- f den in a cargo of coal in- a Christian native's boat, eventually making his escape to Kwang-Tung after many exciting adventures. . ' 1 ? - . : r |