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Show REPLY TO OPPONENTS OF THE I 1 FAflOE OF NATIONS IS NICELY MADE BY JOSEPH A, WEST (By Joseph A. West ) I i.di.or Stondard: The opponents oi the League or Nations have published! under the title of "The oilier Fourteen Points" their objections to the league II covenant to which 1 wish to briefly ' J reply quoting ns far as possible from I II the document Itself, fm In mj judg ment. ton much is said, aboul this, reat world Magna Charta, and ton lit - i t " lie read thercironi. Most of us can understand English when allowed to read it for ourselves, but when' I L. scheemlng politicians attempt t( twist it? meaning to suit their pui pose, confusion arises in ine public' a. mind. Toint One reads as follows: The Shantung provision is inter nntaional piracy brinRinc dishonor to any nation a party to it." At one time durinc the war the na tional existence of England and; France was in serious jeopardy, and in their extremity, they prevailed upon Japan to come to t heir rescue, prom ising her Shantung, then held by Ger- many, as a reward in case of victory ' t Would not any ot'in r nation have done I the same', ourselves included, and Hj was it not justified upon the broad f grounds of self-preservation alone?, l) .Tapau. and not China, took this prov-! Ince from Germauy, wliere it doubt) es? would have remained to this day, but , fpr her, and both by the terms of a treaty that we were powerless to nuui ly, and by the then accepted principles princi-ples of international low she was en J titled to It. Neither can it now be taken from her except by such a force of arms as might agam jeopard -P I ize the peace of the world. Wilson I 1 could not do it Neither car the r J United States senate, whose inconsistent inconsist-ent action in this matter has already aroused the indignation of Japan and ( crated a feeling of hostility that it I -will take years to remove Would it not be far better to accept Jopan's frank pledge to return this prointe In due time, just as the Philippines are compelled to accept our long time .pledge to return to its lawful owners those islands that, we similarly bold in trust. And it is not th- wrong time to arouse the enmity of any nation.: especially Japan, who is within sirik -j ine distance of our asintic possessions. Second "Great Britain Is given six, to America's nnr without justi ficatioh in reason." You mighl say the same thing about iihe siate of Nevada It is given two senatorial votes against New York's I i wo, nd yel New York has 200 times 'its population If this principle is ritht under nnr constitution, wh 001 i right in the League of Nation s cove ! nant? Third "By enteririg the league America would abandon her tradition policy nf nnn - interference in huro : pean affairs. " Why shouldn't she, for since her j birth as a nation she has ceased to he i isolated The Napoleanic wars that in - ' Volved the same European nation:- as this never menaced us in the leas', hut DO this last one. Then we had llt-j : tie or no commerce. Today we trade1 with all the nations of the earth. This I I trade v. as seriously menaced from the ivory beginning of ihe war and later the lives Oi hundreds of our citisens LwerjQ sacrificed thereby, until finally; ;e were drawn Into the vottex by the I ever extending force of the whirlpool' Of war If we could not avoid this! then, how can we expect to do it here-latter here-latter if we do not enter sufficiently ! into European afairs to prevent a Jike 'world eonflaraiion. Fourth "The Monroe Doctrine 'would be subject to interpretation by I the league council as asserted by Brit-1 tsb nfficials without contradict inn Article Twenty one of the treaty! ready as follows j "Nothing in this covenant shall be, deemed to affect the validity ' c,l regional understandings hi'.'' the Monroe Doctrine for the preservation . I of peace " Now what does the word ''validity" mean? Webster thus defines it: Justice soundness legal strength: jthat quality of a thing which renders it supportable in law or equity, etc. So far, therefore, as the league covenant cov-enant is concerned there are no words' in the English language that can sol J briefly and pointedly safeguard and presere in th. American nation ihls I regional and traditional doctrine. The. "uncontradicted assertion of British officials," if indeed such exists, to the 1 con I rary notwithstanding. Fifth "The United States would be ! bound to maintain armies in Europe to regulate purely European affairs To this we would answer yes, if the peace of the world or justice to d v. n- , ; trodden humanity were Involved Why should we not, if we are to take our place in the front rank of the civilized ;and christian nations of the earth, ful-lillins ful-lillins i place and destiny thut i. ub-I ub-I lime to contemplate. I Sixth "Our constitui lonal provision that congress shall have power to raise armies would be violated." Not violated, but limited, and not (limited even without concres lonal I I onsen' as likewise would be the simi-I simi-I lar power of e cry nation of the leupue If by mutual agreement all nations j would agree to a minimum armament. instead of the enormous armies and I navies that heretofore have sapped the Financial life blood ol the nations, and Spreading poverty and distress among mankind would it not be a good (thing? The opponents of the league of na t.iona have published under the title of The other Fourteen Points" their ob jectiona to the league covenant to which I v. ish to briefly reply quot'P' " rai as possible from the document itself it-self lor In my judgment, too much is paid about this great world Magna I harta and too little read therefrom Most of us can understand English v ben aiiowd to read it for ourselves, but when BCheming politicians attcmpi j k twist its meaning to suit their pur-1 no confusion arises in the put lie ; mind. Poini No. 1 reads as follows: The Shantung provision is International Inter-national piracy hrineincr dishonor to 111 nal ion a part, to it At one time during the war the national na-tional existence of England and France wai in serious jeopardy and. in thi il I extremity, they prevailed upon lap in jto come to their rescue, promising her Shantung, then held by Germany, I ."s a reward in case of victon Would j (not any other nation have done thej j same, ourselves included, and was it n-iw justified upon the broad grounds J of self-preservation alone Japan and not China look this province from Oermanv whore it doubtless, would nave remained to this day but for h t ,and both by the terms of a treat ihm we were powerless to nullify, and by the then accepted principles of International Inter-national law che waa entitled to it. Neither can it now be taken from hei I except by such force of arms as might again jeopardize the peace of the world. Wilson could not do it. Neither Neith-er can the United States senate, whose inconsistent action in This j matter has already aroused the indi--pation of Japan and created a foi I-!nc I-!nc of hostility that it will take years to remove. Would it not be f;ir b. t -ter to accept Japan's pledge to re-turn re-turn this province in due time just as the Philippines are compelled to accept our long-standing pledge to return re-turn to Kg lawful owners those islam that we slmilarh hold in trust. nd is not. this the wronc time to arouse I ;he enmity of any nation, espccnlh ,Japan, w ho is within striking di.-j di.-j lance of our Asiatic possessions? No good, and much harm may come from the senates unwarrantable course in this matter, for. as ex-pressed ex-pressed by Republican Senator Mc-i Mc-i imber. in his memorable speech of I yesterday ir the senate- "Japan would be kicked out nf the league by ihe rjnited States and shantung p-,s--ibk lost to China." Point 2 - 'Grrru Britain is given -i , 'v otes to America's ono without Justi .fication In reason." Vol might, say the same thing about the state of Nevada It is giv-!en giv-!en two senatorial vote-; against New I fork's two and yet New York has perhaps 200 times its population. If I this principle i.s right under our con-jatitution, con-jatitution, why not right in the league ;of nations covenant? Point 3. "By entering the Iearm America would abandon her tradi-1 I'onal policv of non-interference in European affairs." Why shouldn't she. for since her birth as a nation she has ceased to be isolated The Napoleonic warts ' that involved ihe same European r.a-;ons r.a-;ons as this never menaced us in the least, but not so this last one. Th- n ' we had little or no commerce Todt1 we trade with all the nations of rbe ' earth. This trade was seriously men- 1 aced from the very betrinninp of thel' I war, and later the lives of hundrols of our citizens were sacrificed there-1 I by, until finally we -were drawn into the vortex b the ever-extending ton e of the whirlpool of war If we could U 'not avoid this, then how can we x-jpect x-jpect to do it hereafter, if we do roti' , enter sufficiently into European if 1 lairs to prevent a like world conflpg- ji&tion "4. The Monroe doctrine would be : subject to interpretation by the leave I (council, as asserted by British Offi- I IcialQ Without contradiction ' : Article 21 of the treaty reads as fol- it I lows "Nothing Ir this rovenant shall be i deemed to affect the validity of re-! jgional understandings like the Monroe! i doctrine for the preservation of I peace." Now what does the word "validity" I mean1 Webster thus defines it. 'Justness, 'Just-ness, soundness, legal strength; that j quality of a thing which renders it (supportable in law or equity, etc" II j needs no other interpretation and the leasruo would have nothing whatever i to do with it. So far as the league covenant is concerned, there are no words in the English lansuace that can so brie'lv and pointedly safeguard and preserve 1 to the American nation this regional I and iraditlonal doctrine The uncon-radlcted uncon-radlcted assertion of British officials, if indeed such exists, to the contr'i nol withstanding "5 The United States would be bound to maintain armies In Europe io regulate purely European affairs " To thfs we would answer yes,' if the peace of the world and justice to down , trodden humanity were involved Win should we not. if we ar to take out I place in the lront rank of the civi Used and Christian nations of the earth, fulfilling the place and dastio) that is sublime to contemplate? "6. Our constitutional provision that congress shall have power to raise armies would be violated.' Not violated, but limited, and only limited with congressional consent, . , would be the similar power of every nation of the league If by mutual rgreement all nations would agree la i minimum armament, instead of ,h-enormous ,h-enormous armies and naies that here- ! tofor.have capped the financial life! 'blood of the nations, and spreading' povert and distress among mankind, would it not be a Rood thing? The first four paragraphs of Artie. 8 tipon tho subject of disarmament reads as follows. The members of the la':ue recognize rec-ognize that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments to the lowest point, consistent with national safety, anJ the enforcement by common action of international obligations, Th'- couilcll, taking account of the geographical situation and n - cumstances of each state, shall formulate plans for such reduction tor the consideration and action of the scvenl governments. Such plans shall be .subject to reconsideration and revision at least every ten years. Vfter thesis plans shall have been adopted by the several governments gov-ernments the limits of armaments therein fixed shall not be exceede'l without the concurrence of t It council. "Point 7. Domestic Questions, such I as emigration, tariff and coastwise trade would come under the jurisdlc-i jurisdlc-i tion of the league, if the f cr -i n coun-! coun-! ril so decides." But the council cannot so decule, j first because our own representative would not agree to it, and second be-I be-I cause domestic questions are too well understood for the council to decide ! wrongfully . But let us see what paragraph 8 of Article 13 says upon this subject: "If the dispute between the parties claimed by one of them, and is j found by the council to arise out of a I matter which is by international 'aw j solely within the domestic Jurisdiction of the parly, the council shall so re-i re-i port, and shall make no recommendation recommenda-tion as to the settlement." Thus all domestic questions are left to the individual states composing the league. "Point 8 - Insignificant nations like Liberia Hedjaz, etc., would have voting vot-ing powci equal with the L'n'tr-d ; states." In the first place such nations have no Aote in the council, but do in the i pssembly Article 5 reads: "Except where oth it-rvyise expressly provided in this covenant, cove-nant, or by the terms of the present ' treaty , decisions at any meetings of the assembly or council shah require the rggreeraent of all the members of th' league represented at the meeting. meet-ing. "All matters of procedure ai meetings, meet-ings, including the appointmen ol enm-Imittees enm-Imittees to Investigate particular mat ters, shall be retaliated by ihe assembly assem-bly or by the council and may be decjfi-(ed decjfi-(ed by a majority of the members of the league represented at the meeting." The tenth paragraph of Ar cl 15 reads as follows. "In any case referred lo th- assembly, assem-bly, all Ihe provisions Of this article and of Article 12 relating to (he action and powers of the council hall applj to the action and powers of the as-v.embly. as-v.embly. provided that a report made bj the assembly, if concurred ti bj the representatives of tbrsc members of the league representd on the council and of a majority of the other members of the league, exclusive in each cas.-of cas.-of the representatives of the parlies io the dispute, shall have the same force as a report by the council concurred in by all members thereof other than the i epresentntjves of one or more or ihe parlies to the dispute. ' According to the above if -equires the unanimous vote f the members of the council to decide any question either in the council or the assembly other than those mentioned In the second sec-ond paragraph of Article 5, as quoted above, and these questions arc all of very minor importance. America's negative vote rould thus nullify all the other votes of both th( council and the assembly By ourseive-accepting ourseive-accepting this safeguard against the wishes of our government being over ridden by other nations, we must, in justice, grant the same Thi. is'ex-plicity is'ex-plicity shown m the disarmament i clause above quoted, nnd the word "advise" "ad-vise" in Article 10 so implies, it reads as follows: "The mnmharo nf fhn ..,-.. ww vi. mi. urauc uuiiei- take to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity in-tegrity and existing political independ eacc of all members of the league. In lease of such aggression or in case of 'any threat or danger of such agtrren-Ision agtrren-Ision the council shall advise epon the I means by which this obligation shall ibe fulfilled." It does not say "Shall direct or command. com-mand. " what shall be done, but slm ! ply "advise " The above is a complete refutation of Point 9 which reads as follows "The United States would be bound to preserve the territorial integrity and political independence of every nation of the league, many of them monarchies." monar-chies." "Point 10. By bringing ihe charge that it involves a threat of war. any nation na-tion could require the United States to submit any question to the league for decision." Article il. to which the abo refers, reads as follows : Any war or threat of war, I whether immediately affecting any of the members of the league or I not, is thereby declared a matter of concern to the whole league, and the leasee shall take such action ac-tion that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations . "It Is also declared to be the friendly right of each member of the league to brine to the attention atten-tion of the assembly or council any circumstance whatever affecting international relations which threaten to disturb international peace or the good understanding between nations upon which peace depends." The reader may judge for himself whether Point in is well taken We say it is not. Point 11, Article 23, requiring free transit and equitable treatment f corn merce could be construed to forbid protective pro-tective tariffs." That portion of Article 2" io which reference is made in the above reads as follows: "It will make provision to secure and maintain freedom of oorr.munlea tion and of transit and equitable tn-at-ment of the commerce of al! members of the league " All national Tariffs are purely domestic do-mestic questions with which t h- league has nothing: whatever to do; hence no such construction can possibly be placed upon this article "Point 12. America, industrially and financially strong, would become the burden-bearer of the world. ' Yes, just like she was during the war, but the burden soon transformed her from a borrowing to a creditor na- ! tion and made New York, instead of j London, the financial center of the ! n oi id "Point 13. The league covenant ob ' ligates the United Slates to give full and frank information concerning industries in-dustries adaptable 10 war like pur I poses, thus putting American industry at a disadvantage, since most impor-tant impor-tant industries are of such character." This farfetched objection evidently! has reference to the following para graph of Article s on arrnamenl which j reads as follows. "The members of the league agree that the manufacture by orivate enter-' ; prise of munitions and implements of I war Is open to grave objections The council shall advise how the evil effects ef-fects attendant upon such manufacture manufac-ture can be prevented, due regard be j ing had to the necessities of those members of the league which ar-- nol ' able to manufacture the munitions and Implements of war necessary o their! safety. The members of the league, un- i dertake io interchange full and frank! information as to the scale of their armament?, ar-mament?, their military, naval and air j jproRrams and the condition of such of their Industries as are adaptable to ! war-like purpose g Without this information the regulation regu-lation of national armaments could not be brouqht about. As each nation of, the league is governed by the same i provision it is difficult to see how it i can work an; disadvantage to any of i them. Upon the contrary there Is every ev-ery advantage in knowing just how each nations stands in this regard II the peace of the world is to be main taiued. ft Interferes with no industry', but is strictly advisory and precaution- I ary 1 Point 14. America has nothing top gain and much to lose by entering the league." I s ' smen everywhere, and among1 them opponents of the league, acn e ' thai 11 before the w;ir WC had had I just such a leacue covenant as this one, DO cuch calamity would have befallen the nations. Just stop and think what j this war has cost the world in blood! and treasure, and then ask yourselves, j in the light of history . if it is not likely like-ly to occur again if the nations are' not safeguarded by a peace part such as the one we have been dh cussing. ! MnnonrnH hv what the eroat nnrld u-ar 1 I - o " has cost it would b" worth to . racrica i billions of dollars and hundreds of thousands of lives, to say nothing of j its worth to the world at large. The presmt high cost of living and i the state of unrest that is no threat ! jening the very foundations of our gov J c rnraent is directly attributable to the war. I Hundreds uf i- 'n i ould be enum erated howlllf, the league's Vperla-1 Jtive value to us and to human'ty but I jl have already occupied too n uch oi I your vr luable space. I Instead of Point 14 reading n above; 1 would transpose It as follow : I America has everything to gain and . rothing of comparative value to lose by her entrance into the league of nail na-il ions, and the sooner she doe it, the j better it will be for her. 1 Drigham Cily, Utah. Sept. 16 1919. |
