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Show STRIKING POINTS IN PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE The department of war contemplates an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102,985 enlisted men to 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, and supplementing the army by a force of 400,000 disciplined citizens. It will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efficiency. The gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. It is necessary for many weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should have a great merchant marine. It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now to undertake we should pay as we go. We should be following an almost universal example of modern government gov-ernment if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income taxes. We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. pliiswoRo IS '10 PREPARE' Annual Message Pleads for Concerted Con-certed and Efficient Action. FOR GREATER REGULAR ARMY Citizen Soldiery Part of His Plan-Problem Plan-Problem of Commercial Mobilization Stated-Diloyalty Among Cer-tain Cer-tain Elements in Our Na-tional Na-tional Life Serious Menace to Peace. Washington, Dec. 7. President Wil-on Wil-on today delivered the following message mes-sage to congress: Gentlemen of tffe Congress: Since I last bad the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions, has extended extend-ed Its threatening and sinister scope until It has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemisphere, hemi-sphere, has altered the whole face of ' international affairs, and now presents a prOBpect of reorganization and reconstruction re-construction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neutral. neu-tral. It was our manifest duty to do so. Not only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to bave brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe was to be avoided, that a limit should be set to the sweep of destructive war and that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes of peace alive, if only to prevent collective col-lective economic ruin and the breakdown break-down throughout the world of the industries in-dustries by which its populations are fed and sustained. It Was manifestly the duty of the self-governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, if possible, pos-sible, the balance of economic loss and confusion In the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they -can be of infinite service. American Nations Partners. In this neutrality, to which they "were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Europe but also by a. clear perception of international duty, the states of America have be-come be-come cimsclous of a new and more vital community Interest and moral partnership In affairs, more clearly -conscious of the many common sympathies sym-pathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together. There was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the republics re-publics fighting their way to independence inde-pendence in Central and South America Amer-ica when the government of the United Unit-ed States looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to the south of her as against any encroachments en-croachments or efforts at political control con-trol from the other side of the water; folt it its duty to play the part even -without invitation from them; and I think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and disinterested dis-interested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and the unmolested self-government of her independent peoples. But It was always difficult to maintain such a role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose freedom free-dom of action we sought to protect, and without provoking serious niiscon-coptions niiscon-coptions of our motives, and every thoughtful man of affairs must welcome wel-come the altered olrcumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand, whon there is no claim of guardianship guardian-ship or thought of wards but, instead, a full and honorable association as of purtners between ourselves and our neighbors, in the Interest of all America, Amer-ica, north and south. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. We retain unabated the- spirit that has Inspired us throughout through-out the whole life of our government and which was so frankly put Into words by President Monroe. We still moan always to make a common cause -of national independence and of political po-litical liberty lu America. Attitude Toward Mexico. e have been put to the test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the teat. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own hands. But we have at least proved that we will not take ad vantage of her In her distress and undertake un-dertake to Impose upon her nil order and government of our own choosing We will aid and befriend Mexico, but we will not coerce her; and our course with regard to her ought to be sum cient proof to all America that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish control. The moral is, that the states ol America are not hostile rivals but co operating friends, and that their grow lug sense of community of interest alike In matters political and in mat tors economic, is likolv to give them a new significance as factors in inter national affairs and in the political history of the world. Drawing the Americas Together. There is, I venture to point out. an especial significance just now attach ing to this whole matter of drawinc the Americas togetner in bonds of lion orable partnership and mutual advan tage because of the economic readjustments readjust-ments which the world must inevitably inevi-tably witness within the next generation, genera-tion, when peace shall have at last resumed re-sumed its healthful tasks. In the performance per-formance of these tasks I believe the Americas to be destinecTto play their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take it within your view and permit the full significance of it to command your thought I cannot can-not find the right light in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very front of my whole thought as I address you today. I mean national na-tional defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed In the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life, and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion are not in our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we demand de-mand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter it may come, the aggression ag-gression we ourselves will not practice. prac-tice. We insist upon security in prosecuting prose-cuting our self-chosen lines of national nation-al development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. Question of Preparedness. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a people peo-ple against aggression. And we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dictatorial dic-tatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army except ex-cept for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continuously continu-ously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the governments govern-ments which they have set up to serve them. But war has never been a mere matter mat-ter of men and guns. It is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how modern mod-ern fighting is done, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and immediately effective. And the government gov-ernment must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before be-fore you, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. Larger Army Plan. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102,985 enlisted men of all services to a strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engineers, engi-neers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides 750 officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, 792 noncommissioned officers for service serv-ice In drill, recruiting and the like, and the necessary quota of enlisted en-listed men for the quartermaster corps, the hospital corps, the ordnance ord-nance department, and other similar auxiliary services. These are the additions ad-ditions necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties, duties which it has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and borders bor-ders and at our interior army posts, but also In the Philippines, in the Hawaiian islands, at the isthmus, and in Porto Rico. By way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger scale should occasion arise, the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of 400.000 disciplined citizens, citi-zens, raised in increments of 133, 000 a year throughout a period of three years. This it is proposed . to do by a process of enlistment un dor which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind them selves to serve with the colors for pur pose of training for short periods throughout three years, and to come to the colors at call at any time . throughout an additional 'furlough' . period of three years. This force ol ! 400.000 men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as i enlisted and their equipment foi the field made ready to be sup plied at any time. They would be r assembled for training at stated in - tervals at convenient places in asso - ciatlon with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annua - training would not necessarily exceed i two months in the year. At least so much by the way ol I preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely imperative now. We cannot do less, i The Naval Program. The program which will be laid be : fore you by the secretary of the navj - is similarly conceived. It Involve! - only a shortening of the time withit be for the fiscal year 1917, $93.SOO,000. Those figures, taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose our financial finan-cial problem for the year 1917. Assuming As-suming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the present pres-ent duty on sugar are to be discontinued, discontin-ued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only $20, 644, 605. 7S, that the disbursements for the Panama canal will again be about twenty-five millions, and that the additional expenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the congress, the deficit ir. the general fund of the treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917, will be nearly two hundred hun-dred and thirty-five millions. To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working balance bal-ance for the treasury, and twelve millions mil-lions to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917; and these additions would make a total deficit of some two hundred and ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the treasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the present pres-ent fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some fifty millions,, or, reckoning in sixty-two millions for deficiency appropriations and a safe treasury belance at the end of the year, a total deficit of some one hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures is that it is a plain counsel of prudence to continue con-tinue all of the preesnt taxes or their equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing $112,000,000 of new revenue rather than $297,000,-000. $297,000,-000. New Sources of Revenue. How shall we obtain the new revenue? reve-nue? It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now, I hope, to undertake, we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills should be paid by internal taxation. To what sources, then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the house of representatives are expected under the Constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very general gen-eral terms. We shoujd be following an almost universal example of modern mod-ern government if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income in-come taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to r- imposed, and by increasing, step by step throu6r"'t the present graduation, gradu-ation, the surtax itStl.'the income taxes as at present app .',?neu would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of tbe fiscal year 1917 without anywhere any-where making the burden unreasonably unreason-ably or oppressively heavy. The precise pre-cise reckonings are fully and accurately accurate-ly set out iu the report of the secretary secre-tary of the treasury which will be immediately im-mediately laid before you. And there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be resorted to without hampering the Industries In-dustries of the country or putting any too great charge upon individual expenditure. ex-penditure. A one per cent tax per gallon on gasoline and naptha would yield, at the present estimated production, pro-duction, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $15,000,-000; $15,000,-000; a stamp tax on bank checks, probably $18,000,000'; a tax of 25 cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 e'ents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the burdens bur-dens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too exclusively ex-clusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is, that tlje industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation. I have spoken to you today, gentlemen, gentle-men, upon a single theme, the thorough thor-ough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play tbe impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I have had in my mind no thought of any Immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no question in controversy between this and other governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been and may yet turn out to bo. I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens ol the United States, I blush to admit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and oppor tunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national ife; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our government intc contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought It effective foi their vindictive purposes to strike al i them, and to debase our politics tc the uses of foreign intrigue. Theli number Is not great as compared witt the whole number of those Bturdj ' hosts by which our nation has beer enriched in recent generations oui of virile foreign storks; but it is greal i enough to have brought deep disgrac upon us and to have made it nenes I sary that we should promptly mak use of proresf.es of law by whh wf may be purged nf their corrupt dis tempers. America never witnessed anything like this before. It never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own citizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplied sup-plied some of the best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever, turn in malign reaction against the government govern-ment and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once, more a hotbed hot-bed of European passion. A little while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made no preparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it. as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the ugly and incredible thing has actually actual-ly come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such creatures crea-tures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy an-archy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are intirjitely malignant, and the hand of our vower should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the government, govern-ment, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the government in order to serve interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. Are Disgrace to the Nation. I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the governments govern-ments under which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self-possession self-possession and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But it cannot. There are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side in the great European conflict con-flict above their regard for the peaco and dignity of the United States. They also preacliji2diraei-eo disloyalty. No,,Jfl-w's7I suppose, can reach cor ruptions of the mind and heart; buCTT"'"''' should not speak of others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when he thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon us. While we speak of the preparation of the nation ,to make sure of her security and her effective power we must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safeguards safe-guards of written law. What is more importnnt Is, that the Industries and resources of the country coun-try should be available and ready for mobilization. The transportation problem is an exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from time to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and co-ordained. I suggest that it would be wise to provide for a commission com-mission of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole qucu-tion qucu-tion whether our laws as at present framed and administered are ns serviceable serv-iceable as they might be In the solution solu-tion of the problem. It is obviously a problem that lies at the very foundation founda-tion of our efficiency as a people. Such an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth con- i sidering and we need to know all sides of the matter if w-e mean to do any- ' thing In the field of federal legislation. Regulation of Railroads. No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regula- i tlon of the railways of the country by federal commission has bad admlrablu results and lias fully Justified the l hopes and expectations of those by i whom tho policy of regulation was originally proposed. The question is not what should we undo? It is. whether there is anything else we can do that would supply us Willi effective. means, in the very process of regula- tion. for bettering the conditions mi-, mi-, der which the railroads are operated I and for making them more useful serv-i serv-i ants of the country as a whole. It seems to me that It might be the part I of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation In this field is attempted, to look at the whole problem of eo-ordina-I tion and efficiency In the full light of a i fresh assessment of circumstance and I opinion, as a guide to dealing with the - Beveral parts of It. . I For what we are seeking now. what in my mind Is the single thought of ' this message, is national efficiency and i security. We serve a greet nation. ' We should serve It. in the spirit of Its i peculiar genius. It Is the- genius of l common men for self government , In-t In-t dustry, justice, liberty and peace. Wo should see i o It that it lacks no instrument, instru-ment, no facility or vigor of law, to n rike it sufficient to play lis part with ; energy, safety and assured success. In this we are no partisans but heraldu i and prophets of a new age. , which plans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make definite and explicit a program which has heretofore been only implicit, held in the minds of the two committees on naval affairs and disclosed in the debates de-bates xif the two houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems to me very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehensive comprehen-sive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efficiency effi-ciency and to press that plan to completion com-pletion within the next five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest course of prudence pru-dence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime nations. na-tions. We should now definitely determine de-termine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon. The program to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six battle bat-tle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines eighty-five coast submarines, four gunboats, gun-boats, one hospital ship, two ammunition ammuni-tion ships, two fuel oil ships, and one regular repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fifteu destroyers, five fleet submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten destroyers, de-stroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, and one fuel oil ship; the third year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, five destroyers, two fleet submarines, and fifteen coast submarines; the fourth year, two battleships, bat-tleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, sub-marines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and one fuel oil ship; and the fifth year, two battleships, battle-ships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, sub-marines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship. More Men for the Navy. The secretary of the navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of 7,500 sailors, sail-ors, 1,200 apprentice seamen, and 1,500 marines. This increase would be sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed within with-in the fiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will be completed early in 191S. It is also necessary that the number of midshipmen midship-men at the Naval academy at Annapolis Annap-olis should be increased by at least three hundred If this full program should be car- . rled out we should have built or building build-ing in 1921, according to the estimates . of survival and standards of classifi- cation followed by the general board . of the department, an effective navy consisting of 27 battleships, of the first line, 6 battle cruisers, 25 battleships of the second line, 10 armored cruis- . ers, 13 scout cruisers, 5 first-class cruisers, 3 second-class cruisers, 10 i third-class cruisers, 108 destroyers, IS fleet submarines, 157 coast submarines. 6 monitors , 20 gunboats, 4 supply ships. 15 fuel ships, 4 transports, 3 tenders to torpedo vessels, 8 ves-, ves-, sels of special types, and 2 ammuni-i ammuni-i tion ships. This would be a navy fit- ted to our needs and worthy of our traditions. But armies and instruments of war 1 are only part of what has to be con-I con-I sidered if we are to consider the su- preme matter of national selt-sufficien-i cy and security in all its aspects. There are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention i whether we will or not. There Is, for s example, a very pressing question of ! trade and shipping involved in this ' great problem of national adequacy. ' It is necessary for many weighty rea-i rea-i sons of national efficiency and devel-i devel-i opment that we should have a great " merchant marine. It is high time we repaired our mis-! mis-! take and resumed our commercial inde- - pendence on the seas. Need of Merchant Marine. : For it is a question of independ-1 independ-1 ence. It other nations go to war or I seek to hamper each other's commerce, com-merce, our merchants, it seems, are f at their mercy, to do with as they ; please.. We must use their ships, and ! use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on - the seas. Our independence is provin cial. and is only on land and within 3 our own borders. We are not likely l to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in rivalry of" their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital importance import-ance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant marine ma-rine would give it. but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the whole question of our political unity and self-determination is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more; creating friendships friend-ships and reudering indispensable services to all interests on this side the w-ater. Must Provide Ships. With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present unparalleled un-paralleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mutual mu-tual interest and service, an opportunity oppor-tunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the government govern-ment similar to those made to the last congress, but modified in some essential essen-tial particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt acceptance ac-ceptance with the more Confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen; it is now acutely felt and everywhere realized real-ized by those for whom trade is waiting wait-ing but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much interested in-terested in the particulars of the program pro-gram as I am .in taking immediate advantage ad-vantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency. The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and defense, de-fense, involve of course very large additional ad-ditional expenditures of money expenditures ex-penditures which will considerably exceed ex-ceed the estimated revenues of the government. It is made my duty by law, whenever the estimates of expenditure ex-penditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that it may be wise or possible for me to suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case; and 1 feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the congress of measures meas-ures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of the present state of the treasury and of the fiscal problems which the next year will probably disclose. State of the Finances. On the thirtieth of June last there was an available balance in the general gen-eral fund of the treasury of $104,170.-105.78. $104,170.-105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the thirty-first of December, 1915, and that the present duty of one cent per pound on sugar will be. discontinued after the first of May, 1916, will be $670,365,500. The balance of June last and these estimated revenues come, therefore, to a grand total of $774,-435.605.78. $774,-435.605.78. The total estimated disbursements dis-bursements for the present fiscal year, including $25,000,000 for the Panama canal, $12,000,000 for probable deficiency de-ficiency appropriations, and $"0,-000 $"0,-000 for miscellaneous debt redemptions, redemp-tions, will be $753,891,000', and the balance in the general fund of the treasury will be reduced to $20,644,-605.78. $20,644,-605.78. The emergency revenue act, if continued beyond its present time limitation, lim-itation, would produce, during the half year then remaining, about $41,000.-000. $41,000.-000. The duty of one cent per pound on sugar, if continued, would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after the first of May : about $15.000uuo. These two sums amounting together to $."6,000,000, 11 added to the revenues of tbe second half of the fiscal year, would yield the - treasury at the end of the year an available balance of S76.044.6i'5.7S. The additional revenues required to carry out the program of military anil naval preparation of which I have i spo) -r would, as at present estimated |
