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Show I NEWS BEHIND THE NEWS 1 Written for The Telegram By Ray Tucker 4t "a form of legislative fingerprinting finger-printing employed only in grave emergencies, such as war. Typical example of some new deal planners' failure to look ahead and around was the suggestion sugges-tion that the building trades reduce re-duce hourly wages in return for steadier employment in constructing construct-ing homes. It will probably mean the death or emasculation of any wage-and-hour bill. Organized labor, and especially the A F L. has always al-ways looked with auspicion on this measure. Both Mr. Green and C I O-er Lewis figure they can accomplish more for themselves them-selves through negotiation or strikes than through artificial government aid. They realise they may not always have such a pro-labor champion in ths WASHINGTON Democratic pollticos who hoisted red lights in the path of the White House program pro-gram last summer are not dismantling dis-mantling their equipment because of the mild language of the special spe-cial message. Except for the substitution of a few "weV for "I's," they detect no sign of a Roosevelt retreat. Some of the unwary commentators commen-tators were fooled by the lack of violent denunciation which has sprinkled other communications. But between the lines the Garner group recognised a quiet, stubborn stub-born march toward all the old objectives. On taxes, he virtually paraphrased the Oliphant memo that inspired the undistributed surplus levy; the president seeks only to relieve small plants from this burden. He again .warned business that ths government would "take up the slack" spending, etc. if private employers employ-ers continued to cut orders and discharge workers. He told the supreme court to be good or else : The vice president got no deep ' satisfaction from the message, especially as he begged F. D. R. at their recent conference to quiet down and lay off business and Industry. Mr. Garner told White House reporters that he aimplv swapped jokes with the "boss." but he didn't add that Mr. Roosevelt didn't laugh at the No. 2 man'e quips. They weren't exactly humorous. Democratic legislators have returned re-turned to Washington in a strange - mood strangely subdued sub-dued and quiet, but determined. Off the record they'll concede that the next few months may determine de-termine the fate of themselves and their party. They're soared over the "Roosevelt recession." The lack of bitterness toward the president is surprising. At the same time, their weary willingness to cooperate with him if he will give them the chance is a distinct threat to the White House. They haven't yet entered into any deep conspiracy against him, and they like him personally, person-ally, but they are insistent on lopping the radical trimmings off his new proposals. They want to make peace with private business the .utilities, industry, the bankers: bank-ers: they're sick of the fight-fight-fight stuff. Here's what is likely to happen hap-pen under the spell of such a revulsion : Ths congressional bosses will trim the four-point program in committee until F. D. R. won't recognise it. and try to persuade him to accept their t amendments. Vice President Garner Gar-ner will do their talking. Then It will be up to Mr. Roosevelt to forgivs and forget or fight some more. President Roosevelt is basing all plans to stimulate private business busi-ness and industry on the supposition suppo-sition that the present recession will end in April. Msy at the latest. His confidential advisers have so Informed him, and he has passed the word up anddown the White House line. The president hinted at his theories when he said in his message mes-sage that inventoriea are sot "dangerously large." It was a cautious understatement. Fact is that he blames the current slump on heavy purchases of durables, particularly steel, during the spring and summer. Manufacturers Manufac-turers gobbled up supplies becsuse of the twin threat of rising prices and labor troubles. Then they canceled orders, precipitating the usual cycle of reduced production, produc-tion, purchasing power and unemployment. un-employment. Mr. Roosevelt believes that large scale buying will begin in the spring, when present stocks are exhausted. By that time, too, he expects that either a public or private building movement will be under way, and industry will click again. And he has tipped off harassed henchmen that he's not afraid to spend his way out again if private employers fail him. Reason for the secrecy and delay de-lay on the' house farm bill lies in a complex corn control provision. It will probably never see legislative legis-lative light because conservative members will kill it, but meanwhile mean-while they are stalling so nobody will know they ever discussed such a proposition. It provides for establishment of committees which will fix a corn quota for every farmer, depending de-pending upon national needs and his normal production. He may sell that at the going market price. But If he raises a crop beyond the fixed figure, and disposes dis-poses of it, he must forfeit to ths government a percentage (now set at 23 cents) of the amount he receives for every bushel. The federal take would be utilised to finance the general program, relieving the drain on the treasury. The more radical farm spokesmen spokes-men hatched the idea, and forced it into a preliminary draft Committee Com-mittee members feel so foolish over it that tha confidential prints are numbered so that none will fall into outside bands. It's White House as Mr. Roosevelt. Now. if he would ask them to cut pay under a federal formula, they're wondering what a hostile chief executive might propose if he were empowered to regulate regu-late labors day and pay envelope. And the building trades happen to be the backbone of Mr. Green's allies. Not even ths popular pop-ular Edward F. McGrady can sell that idea to hia old pals. Few politicians like to see a member of the same union steal the show when they also appear in the cast. One of the first lawa of politics is to hog the limelight But Senator Wagner of New York recently experienced and enjoyed such a rebuff. Honor guest at a housing dinner in recognition rec-ognition of his various measures for public construction. he beamed and applauded when another an-other speaker dwarfed not only him. but every other orator. The rival was Robert F. Wagner Wag-ner Jr.. who will soon enter pub-lice pub-lice life as a member of the New York assembly. Only 26 years old, he's starting out younger than his famous father did. NOTES: Several cities waiting upon court decisions touching validity of federal loans for power pow-er plants. . . . Question whether wheth-er Texas coal is subject to regulation regula-tion by bituminous coal commission commis-sion is now being threshed out . . . Regulations relating to labeling la-beling and advertising of whisky are being overhauled. . . . AFL will ask for amendment of Wagner Wag-ner act to deny power of labor relations board to order cancellation cancel-lation of contracts. . . . Rayon industry is now operating under fair-trade-practice rules. (Copyright, 1937, for The Telegram) |