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Show DEBATE ON THE ANTI-POLYGAMY BILL. Washington, March 11? 14?. -- The House. in continuation of yesterday's session, took up the polygamy bill, the pending question being on seconding the demand for the previous question on the third reading. Mr. Haskell, being asked to allow an amendment, said the desire to hang up the bill between the Houses was the purpose of this request. Emissaries of the "Mormon" Church were here to defeat the bill. Mr. Cassidy said some Democrats would vote for the bill without amendment. After much confusion, Mr. Burrows said he thought the Democrats would have a right to amend the bill. [Applause by the Democrats.] The House, at 3 o'clock, by a vote of 113? nays to 13? yeas, rejected an amendment to strike out the eighth section of the polygamy bill. Roll was then called on the question of the final passage of the bill. Mr. Burrows was in favor of the bill just as it was. He thought it might not be perfect. He would vote against every amendment, but the majority had no right to say that the minority should not offer amendments. After some further noisy discussion, Haskell offered the following, which was agreed to by unanimous consent. Ordered that the present legislative day continue until the pending bill is disposed of; that the bill be open to amendment and debate under the five minute rule for one hour; that at the end of that hour the previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and amendments then pending; that one hour be allowed after the previous question is ordered, which hour shall be equally divided between the friends and opponents of the bill, at the end of which hour the question shall be taken on the pending amendments and the passage of the bill. The first amendment offered was by Ryan, of Texas, to amend the section providing no polygamist or bigamist shall vote on any election in Utah Territory, by the insertion of the words "and person duly convicted of being a polygamist," etc. Rejected. Mr. Mills, of Texas, moved to strike out sections 8 and 9, which prohibit any polygamist or bigamist from voting at elections, and provide for the appointment of Territoral [Territorial] election officers by the President. Mr. Cassidy, of Nevada, held if these two sections were stricken out, the bill would be worthless. The youth of the Territory must be taught to obey the law of the land as well as other people. Polygamy must be made disreputable among the people of Utah, and this could not be done as long as polygamists occupied all the elective offices in the Territory. He denounced the "Mormon" religion as promulgated in the lecherous element in Utah as lust and prostitution, carried on and promulgated by the leaders, Apostles, and church scribes of the "Mormon" Church in Utah. The first part of Mills' amendment, striking out section 8, was rejected without division, and the latter portion, taking out section 9, to a vote of yeas 8, nays 1?9. The following Democrats voted in the negative with the Republicans: Beltz, Hoover, Berry, ??, Colerick, Morse, Musgrove, Phelphs, Rice, of Missouri, Townshend, of Illinois, and Wilson. The vote by which the House refused to strike out section 8 was reconsidered. The roll call consumed the remainder of the hour, and when Hammond, of Georgia, desired to offer amendments, the Speaker ruled it was not in order. Mr. Singleton of Illinois, thereupon suggested that Haskell had been very successful (probably on account of his experience in trapping wild animals) in trapping the Democrats. Mr. Buckner (Mo.) said as great a wrong as polygamy was, this bill was a greater wrong on the Constitution and rights of the people. He believed, and he was sorry to believe it, that the measure was pushed through for the purpose of affecting the contested election case of Campbell vs. Cannon. Springer of Illinois, Kenna of West Virginia, and Herbert of Alabama, while stating that they were in favor of the purposes of the bill, declared their belief, as it stood, it was unconstitutional and they would therefore vote against it. Townsend of Ohio argued that the bill was constitutional and there was no infringement on the religious liberty of any people. McCord of Iowa justified the course of the Republicans in asking the passage of the bill as soon as it was reached upon the Speaker's table, and predicted that the gentlemen on the other side who had fillibustered [filibustered] against the measure to suppress polygamy would learn to regret it, as well as the fact that they had voted almost solidly against the 8th and 9th sections, which contained the very strength of the measure. Singleton said that being denied an opportunity of ordering an amendment to perfect the bill, he would be compelled to vote against it. In the first place the bill did not go far enough in the direction of suppressing polygamy and its kindred crimes against society and good morals. Here was the District of Columbia exclusively within the control of Congress with no law providing for the punishment of adultery, and yet the House was unwilling to hear a proposition which would cure this crying evil against society. He was opposed to the bill because it authorized the President to grant the "Mormons" amnesty under certain conditions. The President might want to contract for a half dozen wives himself. Was it not indelicate? to confer such power on a President as that he should impose conditions on those to whom he extended amnesty? Converse of Ohio opposed the bill, which he asserted would legislate out of office all minor officers of the Territory and organize anarchy instead of law. Carlisle inquired whether, when the offices were vacant, there were any means provided to filling the vacancies. The Legislature could not assemble for two years; during all that time the offices would be vacant. Mr. Haskell, The Governor can fill the offices. Mr. Carlisle contended the Governor could not, and quoted from the minutes of Utah to show that the power rested with the Legislature and County Courts. Was there any law of Congress he inquired, repealing these statutes? By this bill, the County Judges, by whom vacancies were to be filed, were themselves legislated out of office and there would not be a man left to probate wills, settle estates, keep records, or execute processes. Does the gentleman (Haskell) say this bill is prospective merely in its operations? Mr. Haskell. - There is power in the Governor under the organic act, that cannot be repealed by the Legislative enactment, to appoint every one of them. More. - I say it is the intention of this bill to legislate out of office every one of this infamous "Mormon" priesthood and give an opportunity to put in honest men. [Applause.] Mr. Carlisle. - That is what I understood and I am not objecting to the provision that legislates them out of office, but I am objecting to the crude and imperfect section which legislates them out of office and puts no one else in and leaves the Territory in a state of utmost confusion. Mr. Haskell. - Do you hold that the Territorial Legislature can repeal the Organic Act? Mr. Carlisle. - The Territorial Legislature has not attempted to repeal the act, but has legislated on this subject, and its law is the only one now in force. Mr. Robeson contended that the bill was progressive in its provisions, holding it to be the maxim of the law. It was not retroactive, unless so expressed directly. Mr. Carlisle agreed that it was a correct construction of the law, but asserted that Mr. Haskell had just announced that the purpose of the bill was to legislate out of office immediately every man who was amendable to its provisions. Mr. Haskell. - I did not say "immediately"; I mean by process of law. Mr. Carlisle. - As I see, the bill provides no process of law for the purpose of ascertaining whether the people are guilty of the offense. It simply says that they shall not be competent to hold office. Mr. Converse endorsed all that was said by Mr. Carlisle. The bill, in his judgment, organized disorder to continue for the next two years in Utah. There could be no doubt about it. Mr. Williams of Wisconsin, said the secret vice, however prevalent and deplorable, could never be a justification for flagrant and open violation of public morals and public law; "Mormonism," with its adjunct polygamy, robbed vice of its hideousness, and demanded that it should not only be sanctioned by public law, but deified by the divine approval of God. Thus intrenched, it challenged criticism and defied attack. It disrupted and destroyed the family, it loosened the foundation of civil government, removed the very corner stone of Republican institutions, and [unreadable line] ballot box, commanded the courts, and if entitled to its demand, it might command the Nation, man ships, march armies and exercise all the powers in its defence [defense]. While he would persecute no man, while he would give the widest liberty to conscience and religion, he would say to the Oriental paganism, with its customs and demands, "thus far and no farther." Where the clear waters of the Pacific kiss the pure sands of our Western shore, there you shall pause in the presence of the majestic power of the civilization of the noonday? of the world. [Applause.] Mr. Robeson replied to the arguments, that this bill was a blow against free government. Mr. Burrows stated he would vote for the bill, though he believed it would disappoint the expectations of its friends, yet it was worth trying and he trusted Congress would rise to the high position demanded by the American people and pass some efficient measure that would eradicate this evil of polygamy. Mr. Haskell characterized the "Mormon" Church as infamous in its ?? purposes and in its past accomplishments, but magnified the power by priestly organization in the world. He wished he could picture to the House this "Mormon" hierarchy of Utah, which was struck at by the ??. He would like to show the Democrats who were voting to maintain that infamous institution, how "Mormons" had slipped out of the control of the Government over 100,000? acres of public lands and prostituted them to ?? church ecclesiasticalism [ecclesiasticism]. He would also like to tell how they had passed a greater part of their Territory out of control of the Federal Courts and put it into the hands of municipal organizations. He would like to call the attention of the Democratic party to the fact that the people of the United States would not hold it guiltless for the mere declaration on this floor that it abhorred polygamy, if when it were called, it should vote against the most righteous bill that ever came before Congress. Every bill, he said in conclusion, that ever came before Congress in eighteen years, had been killed by the same process you tried to ?? in this bill, loaded down with amendments and left to die in the cloisters of a conference committee, where the Poland bill went. That is where the Frelinghuysen bill went; that is where they have all gone, and if it were not for the Republican side of the House it would have sent Edmunds' bill to its grave. [Applause on the Republican side.] The House then recurred to the amendment offered by Mr. Mills, of Texas, to strike out the eighth section, and it was rejected; yeas 15, nays 104?. The bill then passed in exactly the shape in which it came from the Senate, yeas 109?, nays 12. The following is the negative vote: Armfield, Atherton, Belmont, Blanchard, Buckner, Cabett, Caldwell, Carlisle, Campman, Converse, Cook, Cox (N.C.), Cravens, Dibrell?, Evans, Garrison, Gunter, Herbert, Herndon, Hewitt (New York), Hooker, House, Jones (Texas), Kenna, Knott, Manning, M. Milton, Mills, Money, Phister, Reagan, Robertson, Shackelford, Shelly, Singleton (Illinois), Thompson (Kentucky), Gilman, Tucker, Epson, Warner, Wellborn, and Williams (Ala.) |