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Show a prison term; it gives union members the right to sue officers if the latter interfere with certain cer-tain rights of members; it requires re-quires public reporting of union financial operations; it sets up controls on labor-management "middlemen"; it forbids "hot cargo" contracts; it prohibits "shakedown" picketing ;it provides penalties of up to $10,000 and7or a year in prison for violation of voting, trusteeship or election provisions, and riiore for certain other violations. The bill gives the working man some measure of protection against again-st union bosses, but omits some of the most badly needed protection for the general public and employers emp-loyers . Despite its weaknesses, I voted for the labor bill on final passage, because it's the best we can get through the Senate at this time, and it. does correct some of the abuses which are so flagrant. Its fate now rests with the House of Representatives, which killed last year's labor reform effort. I hope the House will recognize the inadequacies in-adequacies of the bill, and will add provisions to make it a more effective weapon with which to fight the corruption and the disregard dis-regard for human rights which have characterized the activities of some labor leaders in recent years. the passage of this bill, the heat" will be off the labor bosses, and there is little chance of arousing arous-ing public support for any other major change in labor law for the next two to five years. With the present makeup of Congress, there's not much chance of getting a . stronger bill through in the foreseeable future, anyway regardless re-gardless of public demand. Too many incumbent senators and congressmen con-gressmen owe their election to the support of the labor bosses. Actually, the labor bill as it passed the Senate will correct some abuses, and because of the amendments adopted on the floor it is much more effective than last year's Kennedy-Ives bill. I voted for all the McClellan and Gold-water Gold-water amendments, designed to strengthen the bill, and against all amendments which were intended in-tended to weaken it. My greatest disappointment with the Senate action was the failure to include effective provisions pro-visions against blackmail picketing, picket-ing, which Sen. McClellan has described as "one of the vilest practices going on in this country," coun-try," and secondary boycotts, which are used by some unions to harass and picket the suppliers of an employer to force him to sign up his employees into a union against their will. On the other side of the ledger, here's what the bill does accomplish: accomp-lish: It gives the union member some measure of protection against union officials; it prevents convicts con-victs from holding union office within five years after serving WASHINGTON ROUNDUP By Sen. Wallace F. Bennett The other evening I was chat- ting with Senator McClellan about the labor reform bill which had just passed the Senate. I felt that he, having presided over 26 months of hearings on labor racketeering certainly should know better than anyone else how good or how bad the final bill was. He made no attempt to conceal con-ceal his disappointment with the compromise bill, which goes only part way toward corre cting the abuses his committee uncovered. He indicated that he now feels little can be accomplished by prolonging pro-longing the hearing of his Rackets Committee, because if the disclosures dis-closures up to this point haven't been enough to arouse Congress and the public, there's not much chance that further revelations along the same lines will do any good. I was sorry to learn of this decision, but I can understand his viewpoint. It is obvious that with |