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Show DEPENDENT Sugar House. Utah Thursday May 14,1959 Page Three balance by the amount voted by Congress. And his balanced budget is based on the amount he recom-mended for these activities. Actually, there is considerable sentiment in Congress against pro-viding any Federal funds for these purposes ; on the ground that they are local activities which should be handled at the local level by people more familiar with the problems than Washington bureau-crats . NO COMMENT By: James W. Douthat Washington, D.C., May 6th-Econo- my forces in Washington were heartened by the congress-ional action sustaining President Eisenhower's veto of the Rural Electrification Administration bill. .They regarded it as a highly significant indication that Mr. Eisenhower will be able, by use of his veto power, to kill legis-lative proposals for irresponsible spending which might be approved by the Senate and the House. A death by veto also was gen-erally believed to be in store for other types of drastic legis-lation which might run the con-gressional gauntlet over Admin-istration objections. Thus far, Mr. Eisenhower has vetoed 138 bills passed by Con-gress since he entered the White House, and not once has his veto been overridden by the required two-thir- ds vote of both the Senate I and the House. His RE A victory was by the I narrowest margin to date. The Senate voted, 64 to 29, to over s' ride. This was two more than the required two thirds. But the I House vote was 280 to 146 four short of two-thir- ds and Mr. 1 Eisenhower's action was sus- - tained. The controversy over the REA measure, which would have de- - prived Secretary of Agriculture Benson of his present authority to approve or disapprove loans j made by the REA Administrator, jj was considered relatively unim- - portant in itself. It was generally recognized t as a political attack on Secretary , Benson and nothing more. I But the vote was looked upon as an all --important test between President Eisenhower and the New Dealers in Congress, and as a possible signal to the fate of leg- - islation providing federal aid for airport and housing construction and for economically depressed areas. What happens to these mea- - i sures also could affect the future of a variety 'of other legislative j proposals. Knowledge that a bill would be vetoed by the President, and that the veto likely could not be overturned, might prove a power-ful restraining influence on Con- - gressional Leaders and on sup porters of drastic legislation. The voice of the people from the "grass roots" also is a strong deterrent to unwise legislation, and this is being given credit in Washington for House action cut-ting some of the spending pro-posals approved by the Senate. For airports, housing and de-pressed areas the Senate voted for considerably larger amounts than proposed by the Administra-tion. But immediately the economy campaign pushed by the Admin-istration, by conservatives in Con-gress and by industry began to take effect and many people back home strongly urged their Rep-resentatives and Senators to op-pose unessential government spending. Then, in each case, the amount was considerably lowered by either the House or by a House Com-mittee. A veto threat definitely hovers over each of these measures, a threat which may be executed if Mr. Eisenhower's $77 billion budget would be thrown out of South East Independent The South East Independent is entered as Second Class Matter, March 1, 1946, in Salt Lake City Post Office under the act of March 3, 1879. It is published each Thursday morning. TOM NOTESTINE Owner and Publisher HU 61 EMERSON S. SMITH Managing Editor DA 81 Subscription rates are $3.00 per year or ten centa for the single copy. Send all mail to box 186, Sugar House Station, zone 6. a prison term; it gives union members the right to sue officers if the latter interfere with cer-tain rights of members; it re-quires public reporting of union financial operations; it sets up controls on labor-managem- ent "middlemen"; it forbids "hot cargo" contracts; it prohibits "shakedown" picketing ;it provides penalties of up to $10,000 and7or a year in prison for violation of voting, trusteeship or election provisions, and riiore for certain other violations. The bill gives the working man some measure of protection again-st union bosses, but omits some of the most badly needed protection for the general public and emp-loyers . Despite its weaknesses, I voted for the labor bill on final passage, because it's the best we can get through the Senate at this time, and it. does correct some of the abuses which are so flagrant. Its fate now rests with the House of Representatives, which killed last year's labor reform effort. I hope the House will recognize the in-adequacies of the bill, and will add provisions to make it a more effective weapon with which to fight the corruption and the dis-regard for human rights which have characterized the activities of some labor leaders in recent years. the passage of this bill, the heat" will be off the labor bosses, and there is little chance of arous-ing public support for any other major change in labor law for the next two to five years. With the present makeup of Congress, there's not much chance of getting a stronger bill through in the foreseeable future, anyway re-gardless of public demand. Too many incumbent senators and con-gressmen owe their election to the support of the labor bosses. Actually, the labor bill as it passed the Senate will correct some abuses, and because of the amendments adopted on the floor it is much more effective than last year's Kennedy-Iv- es bill. I voted for all the McClellan and Gold-wat- er amendments, designed to strengthen the bill, and against all amendments which were in-tended to weaken it. My greatest disappointment with the Senate action was the failure to include effective pro-visions against blackmail picket-ing, which Sen. McClellan has described as "one of the vilest practices going on in this cou-ntry," and secondary boycotts, which are used by some unions to harass and picket the suppliers of an employer to force him to sign up his employees into a union against their will. On the other side of the ledger, here's what the bill does accomp-lish: It gives the union member some measure of protection against union officials; it prevents con-victs from holding union office within five years after serving WASHINGTON ROUNDUP By Sen. Wallace F. Bennett The other evening I was chat- - ting with Senator McClellan about the labor reform bill which had just passed the Senate. I felt that he, having presided over 26 months of hearings on labor racketeering certainly should know better than anyone else how good or how bad the final bill was. He made no attempt to con-ceal his disappointment with the compromise bill, which goes only part way toward corre cting the abuses his committee uncovered. He indicated that he now feels little can be accomplished by pro-longing the hearing of his Rackets Committee, because if the dis-closures up to this point haven't been enough to arouse Congress and the public, there's not much chance that further revelations along the same lines will do any good. I was sorry to learn of this decision, but I can understand his viewpoint. It is obvious that with Every act of every man is a moral act, to be tested by moral, and not by economic, criteria. 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WITH MORGRO felli 1 I ' FREE DELIVERY i FREE USE OF SPREADERS J SUGAR HOUSE HIGHLAND DRIVE i 2102 S. 11th Ecut 3155 Highland Drive IN 6 677 IN 7-15- 31 I. One of the best manifestations that some Big Labor leaders feel they are above the law of the land is contained in the howl set up by Dave Dubinsky, head of the International Ladies Gar-ment Workers Union when the Justice . Dept. recently secured an anti-tru- st indictment a fains t one of his lo-- S cals and sev--; eral garment, manufacturers associations, s I Mr. Dubin- - sky, in a fine.; rage, charges that the Jus-tice Dept. is going back, to quote him, to C. W. Harder entered into an agreement with both the National and Greater groups which substantially pro-vided the same thing. In addi-tion, the union and the National group, it is alleged, joined hands, to force non-memb- er jobbers and manufacturers to either join the National group, or conform with the existing agreements which set up an allocation sys-tem, price fixing, and all the other paraphernalia of a cozy little deal. Then there was a big fall out of the boys, and for a while there was little observance of the price fixing arrangement. From here on out, the matter got very foggy indeed. It seems that although he had no connec-tion with the lady's blouse busi-- ness in any way, one Harry Strasser, a convicted dope ped-dler, and alleged to be a former associate of Louis Buchalter, former head of Murder, Inc., somehow got into the set and was quite busy in negotiating a new deal all around in which all the disputing associations and the I union. got friendly once again. Under the new arrangement, ' by some curious quirk, the union entered into agreements with the I Greater and National groups i which provided among other I things, the allocation of the Na- - . tional group members work among the members of Greater and Slate Belt groups. I' Thus, according to Justice . Dept. the union took dominant role in enforcing allocation and price fixing provisions of the I agreements. ', Dave Dubinsky has raised a I howl about Justice Dept. making ' all this public. I He perhaps believes that the alleged price fixing situation in the blouse industry is a skeleton that should be kept fully clothed. the 1890's when the nation's anti-trust laws were not used against monopoly, but to harass unions. The backgr6und of his fine ti-rade is based on lady's blouses. There are some 300 million dol-lars of them wholesaled, most of them in the four state area of New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl-vania and Connecticut. Some four hundred contractors who sell to the wholesale trade in this area belong to one of two trade associations, named Greater and Slate Belt. These two have agreements with the IJ,GWU. In addition, the union has an agreement with an as-sociation of blouse jobbers and manufacturers doing business in New York City called National. Now the Justice Dept. charges that an agreement was reached whereby National members were required to give all their work to members of the Greater and Slate Belt groups, and in turn, the members of these groups were required to work exclusive-ly for the National group. Dave Dubinsky's union (Now Fjdrrnlon of Indrpendf at buiift- - |