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Show j THE IRISH IN AMERICA. I ' Vice President Fairbanks Pays a Warm Tribute to the Sons of Erin and Their Services to the Republic. Vice President Fairbanks made four speeches in Chicago on the 17th of March. He spoke at St. Ignatius college, col-lege, at the 1'niversity of Chicago, at the Press club and at the banouet of the Irish Fellowship club. In the last address be said, in part: "We may say. without invidious distinct dis-tinct ion. that man for man, the Irish stand for as much in our social, commercial com-mercial and national progress, as do any of the sons of America, whether born in our land or beyond the seas. ! The influence of the Irish in America is as wide as the sphere of our national na-tional influence. They brought hither iheir instinctive love of liberty, their love of ' home and love of country. Many of them came with the sum of iheir worldly beloneintrs unnn their backs. They came with strong hands and stout hearts, which were their main capital, and it were, indeed, capital cap-ital enough in this country of boundless bound-less opportunity. They came to cast their fortunes with the great republic and to go up or down with it. They came to be Americans in the fullest and best sense. They came not as guests, but as welcome members of out-national out-national household. "They readily went into the avenues where severe toils was required. They performed whatever tasks were honorable, honor-able, confident that they were laying ihe sure foundations upon which to rise ; to ultimate influence and power. They jiie Meauiiy ana rapidly advanced from the lower to the higher forms of employment. They have become workers work-ers in every field among the leaders in every avenue where genius, energy and high intelligence ate required. The Irish may even be found in American politics. Having been denied a full measure of participation in the affairs of the government of their native land, rhey have availed themselves of the -hanre of .running things in the land of their adoption, and we may say that they have done pretty well on the whole. They have been lawabiding, bigh-minded and patriotic. They have been thoroughly enamored of our in-Mitutions in-Mitutions and have desired only to add in our strength and to increase our plory. "When we u itr.ess the capacity of the Irish for self-government in America, Amer-ica, we can see no good reason why thcy are not capable of self-govern-; ii i en t in Ireland. They possess the capacity ca-pacity for the cause of good government govern-ment and regard for the constituted authority. Th? jewel of American freedom free-dom is in no danger in their hands. We cannot believe that the cause of good government would be imperiled by them anywhere upon the globe." Relics of the P6et Moore. ttie of the rooms of the Royal Irish academy. Dublin, is devoted almost exclusively to relics of Thomas Moore. The walls are lined with shelves filled v ilh works belonging to Moore's library, li-brary, and in this room is the piano on which Moore, who was a delightful musician, accompanied himself when singing his own melodies. In the Tutted States there are also cherished relics of Moo.ire. and among them, in Ihe possession of Mrs. E. B. Child.? of Philadelphia, the widow of George W. Childs, the former editor and proprietor pro-prietor of the Philadelphia Public Ledger, Led-ger, is a harp, small in size, which was presented to Moore by some of his admirers in (he City of Limerick, and was frequently used by him. After Moore's death, in 1K.12. his widow gave it to a nephew. Mr. Murray, by whom: it was presented to Mr. S. C. Hall. Moore's biographer. Mr. Hall left tne harp by his wFll to Mr. Childs, who placed it in his pri-vate pri-vate office in the Public Ledgea building. build-ing. After Mr. Child's death in HSftl the harp was for years in the museum of the Drexell Institute in Philadelphia, whence it was removed by Mrs. Childs. in whose possession it now i, to her private residence. At this time, when the enthusiasm for Moore, which has never flagged, has been stimulated by 1lie erection of a magnificent Celtic cross over his grave in Bromham hurchyard, Wilts, this precious relic of the poet, which recalls so many thrilling associations, might, perhaps, be placed for the benefit of Moore's countless admirers in some public mu-fum mu-fum where it could be seen by the people at largo. Mr. S. C. Hall, who gave the harp by will to Mr. Childs. was himself very enthusiastic in endeavoring en-deavoring to keen the memory of Moore fresh, in the hearts of Irishmen. Jle erected in Bromhomchurch at his own expense a magnificent "roset win- ( r : i dow." and also in 1879 procured the erection of the slab and monument bust which mark Moore's birthplace in Aungier street, Dublin. TORY CATHOLICS AND HOME RULE FOR IRELAND English Catholic hostility to Home Rule for Ireland has been just recently brought once more into prominent notice no-tice through the action of the Earl of Denbigm. one of the Catholic members mem-bers of the House of Lords, in displaying display-ing by means of questions in the House his opposition to the Government's Irish Home Rule policy. In connection with this matter the Dublin Freeman's Journal observes that the attitude assumed as-sumed by Lord Denbigh towards the Irish National movement is quite in ac- J cordance with the traditional tendencies tenden-cies of English Catholics to be as bitterly bit-terly hostile to Ireland's national rights as the highest "No Popery" Grand Master of Orange Lodges, and it recalls that during the Repeal movement led by the famous Daniel O'Connell. a Lord Beaumont, an English Catholic peer who owed his seat in the . House of Lords to O'Connell (through the Catholic Cath-olic Emancipation Act obtained by the work of that great Irishman) thought himself called upon to denounce the Repeal agitation. "Do you know who this Beaumont is?" asked O'Connell at his next meeting. "Why," the man's name is Martin Bree, though he calls himself Stapleton. His grandfather married a Stapleton for her money and then changed the name. He was a Stapleton when I emancipated him. I beg your pardon for having emancipated emanci-pated such a fellow." The Earl of Denbigh, it may be re-noted, re-noted, was one of the English Catholic peers and g?ntry numbering over a hundred, who in 1893, published in the London Times a declaration against Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule bill. This remarkable document, which was headed head-ed "Statement of British Catholic Catholic Unionists on Home Rule." was a virulent indictment of the Gladstone policy. It denounced the Irish National Na-tional movement as "revolutionary." asserting that "the agitation carried on in Ireland since 1879 had been based to a great extent upon principles mani festly identical witn those of the European Euro-pean revolution, so often and authoritatively authori-tatively reprobated by the Holy See." A remarkable feature of this British Brit-ish Catholic manifesto against the National Na-tional claims and right of Ireland to self-government was its arraignment of the Irish Catholic clergy as sympathizers sympa-thizers with the "revolutionary" agitation. agi-tation. "We are aware," said the Catholic lords, knights and gentlemen, "that some Catholics confidently rely upon the influence of the Irish ecclesiastical eccle-siastical authorities to mitigate or to avert the evils of such a government, (that is. Home Rule for Ireland), but we must sorrowfully acknewledge that we cannot share this hope." At the sain -3 time, however, the anti-Home anti-Home Rule1 Catholic Englishmen thought it their duty to recognize the virtues of the Irish clergy outside the domain of politics. "We have ever felt," said they, "the deepest admiration admira-tion for the many signal virtues of the Irish clergy. We are familiar with their heroic history. We are not unmindful un-mindful of the benefits we have received re-ceived at their hands. We know that .now, as always, hundreds of Irish priests wholly devote themselves to their sacred duties and that their labors la-bors bear abundant fruit among their flock." Nevertheless the undeniable fact remained that the Irish clergy had "faileH to ennp with the revolntionarv tendencies of the movement," and the Catholic Unionists "could not forget the repeated boasts of the extreme party that, some of the most extravagant extrava-gant developments of their system had bten openly countenanced or tacitly approved by the majority of the clergy, cler-gy, Nor can we affirm," continued the authors of the manifesto, "that these boasts have been unfounded. We are unable to ignore the significant circumstance cir-cumstance that politicians whose conduct con-duct we have described (the Irish agitators) agi-tators) have been able to retain and now enjoy the approbation, the favor and the strenuous support of the active ac-tive majority of the Irish clergy." iriui even worse mail mis n was uiai the Pnglish Catholics could not hope that the clergy would be able under Home Rule to avert revolutionary dangers. "We can see no adequate reasons," said they, "for supposing that under Home Rule the Irish clergy would be better able to induce their people either to discard revolutionary leaders or renounce revolutionary courses than they are under the present pres-ent Constitution of the United Kingdom. King-dom. It seems to us, on the contrary, certain that Home Rule must inevitably inevita-bly lead to speedy and progressive developments de-velopments of the revolutionary spirit, and must thereby aggravate those very evils which the Irish ecclesiastical authorities au-thorities have hitherto failed to combat com-bat with effect. For a time, indeed, as politicians, the clergy might acquire fresh powers by successive compromises compro-mises with the popular movement, but those powers, in our judgments would infallibly fail whenever it was sought to use them to moderate the popular passions or to check the popular career. ca-reer. We believe that under these circumstances cir-cumstances a section of the Irish people peo-ple must ultimately be brought into conflict with the church, and we cannot can-not look forward to such a struggle without the gravest apprehensions. It is certain to be fruitful of many scandals. scan-dals. It may result, as similar struggles strug-gles in other lands have resulted, in spiritual calamities, jet more grievous." griev-ous." The first name to this British Catholic Cath-olic declaration against Home Rule for Ireland, a proposal of justice cordially cor-dially approved by the civilized world was that of th Duke of Norfolk; the second was the larl or Denbigh. And the "revolution" which so much scared these Catholic gentlemen is now an Act of Parliament in the shape of a law authorizing the extinction of landlordism land-lordism in Ireland by purchasing out the landlords. N. Y. Freeman's Journal. Jour-nal. ' |