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Show Vietnam's Comic Elections Editor's Note: Tran Van Dinh is a Vietnamese living in Washington, D.C. where he is correspondent correspon-dent for the Saigon Post. He will be writing regularly regular-ly for Collegiate Press Service concerning the problems prob-lems facing Viet Nam. By TRAN VAN DINH Collegiate Press Service WASHINGTON (CPS) Politics in South Viet Nam in the recent years have always had elements of a tragi-comedy. As the main theme of the play is "democracy," the interested audience "American," the actors have to wear a mask to suit the purpose. The mask is "elections." "elec-tions." Balloting would take place, over 80 per cent of the people would vote. Washington would call it a success until the stage collapses leaving dead bodies and broken furniture on the scene. For the seventh time (two Presidential elections in 1958 and 1961; four legislature elections in 1956, 1959, 1963, 1966) since Viet Nam was divided temporarily by the 1954 Geneva Agreements, the tired people of South Viet Nam went to the polls. On September 3, from 7 a.m. to 4 p.m., 83 per cent of 5,853,251 voters proceeded proceed-ed to 8,824 polling places to cast their votes to elect a president, a vice president and 60 senators. The number of regisered voters had jumped from 5,553,251 in one month to the present 5,853,251. "We are prolific in Viet Nam, but not that prolific," said Tran Van Huong, a civilian candidate who finished fin-ished fourth. Replied General Nguyen Van Thieu, the head of state and military candidate; with a touching candor: "Some soldiers have been given two voting cards." The voter was given first eleven ballots, one for each presidential ticket (two names, president and vice president, one symbol) then 48 other ballots, one for each senatorial slate (10 names on each). He had gone over 502 names (22 presidential, 480 senatorial) scrutinized scru-tinized 59 symbols (eleven for presidential, 4S for senatorial). sen-atorial). He hardly could be that fast reader, but he did not care. He looked at the familiar policeman who will be around in his locality long after the election day. General Nguyen Ngoc Loan, the chief of police, often called The Saigon Himmler, had declared on Aug. 22: "National policemen would be stationed inside and outside booths all over the country. As the national police are the people in closest contact with the lowest echelon, there will be police telling them where to vote, how to vote ,and when to vote." (Saigon Post, Aug. 23, 1967). Who else in South Viet Nam could use tricks but the junta itself? General Ky's threat came at the time when, at his instigation, a "military government if the Thieu-Ky ticket wins. In the most unlikely case of its ticket losing, the committee would serve to overthrow the civilian elected President. All these unnecessary precautions and threats were taken and made even when possible competitors were excluded in advance from the race: General Duong Van Minh (Big Minh) former chief of state and Dr. Au Truong Thanh, former Minister of Economy and Finance who planned to run on a peace platform, were banned from running. So the stage was all set for the Sept. 3 show. Washington put the final touch by sending a 22-man Presidential mission guided by former Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, who had openly favored military regimes in South Viet Nam. The mission members, feted by Saigon government and the U.S. Embassy, escorted by government agents, communicating with people by government interpreters, toured half a dozen polling stations (8,824 in all) has passed its verdict: good show. "Good, orderly, wholesome," Ambassador Lodge declared. The results of the elections: 83 per cent of people voted (exactly as predicted by the U.S. Embassy in Saigon). The Thieu-Ky military ticket won by 35 per cent of the votes. Already seven out of ten civilian candidates lodged protest of fraud with the Constituent Constitu-ent Assembly which will have until Oct. 2 to certify the validity of the elections. Dr. Phan Khac Suu, the civilian candidate who finished third and who is also the chairman of the Constituent Assembly complained that in many, many areas, his workers had estimated the turnout at only 10 per cent. Lots of complaints to come but it is not going to change the situation anyway. any-way. One surprise (to Washington): a Saigon lawyer, Mr. Truong Dinh Dzu who campaigned on the platform of peace and anti-military junta in the clearest terms possible, finished second with 17 per cent of the votes. Why were Washington and the U.S. mission in Saigon surprised? If there is any indication at all of the mood and desire of the Vietnamese people, it is their obvious concern about war and about the corrupted cor-rupted dictatorship of the military. Of all the eleven candidates, only one advocated war. Even General Thieu talked about peace and negotiations. ne-gotiations. But the Vietnamese have no voice in this war. Lamented columnist Joseph Kraft from Saigon: "But as long as Saigon (read: the U.S. military establishment estab-lishment in Saigon) thinks victory, it is very hard for Washington to move toward settlement. And thus the present outlook despite the new setting created by the new elections, remains barren." More to come. There will be in the coming weeks a deadly struggle between General Thieu. No. 1, and Vice Air Marshall Ky, the No. 2 who will try harder. Ky is not going to be a figurehead as a vice president who should give up both the Premiership and the Air Command with the profits and powers provided by these two functions. But Thieu, cunning and less talkative, talk-ative, may strike first. There will be organized opposition which logically will join the Buddhists who are preparing for their coming struggle against the illegal, unjust Buddhist Charter imposed on them by the junta on July 18. This important development will be the subject of another article. In the final act of the show, there will be a lone actor: the U.S. and its suffocating military might against a background of dead bodies and burned villages vil-lages of a deserted Viet Nam. |
