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Show Full Text of President's i Coliseum Arguments for the Treaty-Covenant COMSKl'M, ST. LOUIS, Sept. 5. IV'sident Wilson in his address ad-dress tonight siiid : My fellow countrymen, we have mot upon nri ocfii hIiih which In much too Holfinn to can- how v.: look. We oiitfht to rnrtt how we think, aul I have come here loniKht to ask permission to dlscuaH with yon home of the very cuHouh ahcra-tliinn ahcra-tliinn of thinking that have taken place in tills country of Into. I have nought I think I have HOiiffht, without prejudln :o understand the point of vli w of the men who have been oppoMlim the treaty and the covenant of the I'-aiie of natiotiH. Many of tfinm are men whotse Judgment of a patriot ic feel-ln feel-ln I hne been accustomed to admire and rHpi'i-t. And yei I muHt admit to you, my fellow rountiynii-n, tliat It In very hard for me to believe that they have followed thrlr line of thinking to ItH lonh al and ni'rsnary r on el union, because when you reflect upon th'-ir position It In either that we oui;ht to reject this treaty altogether alto-gether or that we oiik'ht to change It !n Much a wuv on w!!l mrtke it nrtesHary to reopen neirnt !.i t !on with fjfni.anj" 't nd reroriMlder the h--t tlennt of t!.Q peace. In many rnent lal i n: f.i'ulare. Declares No Nation Can Stand Apart. We ran not do the lat ter alor.e. and other nation will not join us In doin It. The on.y alternative In to rJ""t the peace and to do what Home of our fellow country coun-try tn-n have been nd vlwlnjj us to do: htand alone In li.e world. I wnnt to polr; t out to you t iiat only j t'.ione who arc lt;norntit of the world can ; believe that any nation, even fo ureat aj nation as the I'nited States. ..-an Htand alun and r.l a Hinc'.c part In the history! of mankind. I suppo.il- that most of you realize that i It Ih K'dnit to be very difficult for the other nn tlons that were en traced in this I war to pet finanrlnlly on their feet atrain. 1 dare Hay you read the other day the statement of Herbert Hoover' a opinion, an opinion whi h I always greatly resp.-ct, that it will be nf;c-M--ary for the I'nited Hlat'-K immediately q advance ffiur or five billion doharH ior the reliabllitatlon of credit a nd Ind mm try on the other Hide of tlie water, and 1 must say to you that I learned nothing In I'arlH whh-h would JeavM me to doubt that con' lusion. A nd I think the Hta t ement of the Bum ii a reafconmde and conservative at a ten; en t. Must Save Credit to Save Markets. If the world is going bankrupt, if credit la o!iik to be destro; ed, if the InduHtry of the ra' es of th.e world 1b tfolntf to le Intemipte.j, our market is confined to tlie Vnlted K tat-H and trade will be fm-po."Bihle fm-po."Bihle t-x'"'pt wlth.in our own borders, if we are to save our own markets and rehabilitate our own industries, we nuiHt rave tie financial situation of the world and rehHbili'.ate tlie m-trkctH of the world. (jennarn- can't pay for this war uniesw h-r industries are revived, and the treaty of pea-e nets up a great commission known as the reparation commission. In wt.ich it was intended that there Rhould be a member from the I'nited State.- as well ns from other countries, and the buMinefs of this commission wi',1 be in part to see that the Industries of Germany are revised in order that Germany may nay this great delit widch she owes to civilization. That r'-pa ration con. mission can determine deter-mine the currents of trade, the conditions of credit, of international credit, it can dePermined how much Germany Is poing to buy, where it is polns to buy (Continued on Page 8, Column 4.) TEXT OF PRESIDENT'S SPEECH AT COLISEUM (Continued from Page One.) ' ts the pleasure of leaving Ws- for another I wanted to 't much greater pleasure of f sniration that I would E Things pet very lonely in some time. The real voic-people voic-people of America poire ti; and distant. In that sC' ild hear politics until you parties were smothered in t-' An End to Wars. This nation went Into t'r' it through to the end, and l: come yet. This is tiie tt;-the tt;-the war, but of the prote;- 1 poinpr to render- war lik? I: There are no other proceF-that proceF-that are proposed in this t: is a ureat treaty. m It is a We are in the present. the most solemn choice tt- was ever called upon o -' choice is nothiiiK less tr.a--America reiWem her pWf"- , America Is made up of - world, and she has said t birth: "We have tew f world by giv'mK It lit't-rt -Now. we are called upon banal of mankind to reK- r mortal pledge. , and, shall I say, are looking to us, for ' leadership and direction. Very well, then, if I am to compete with the critics of this league, and of this treaty, as a selfish American. I say I want to get in and get in as quickly as I can; I want to be inside and know how the thing is run and help to run it, so that you have the alternative: Armed isolation or peaceful partnership. Can any sane man hesitate as to tiie choice, and can any sane man ask a question, ques-tion, which is the way of peace? I have heard some men say with an amazing Ignorance that the covenant of the league of nations was an arrangement arrange-ment for war. Very well. The other arrangement, ar-rangement, what would it be? An arrangement ar-rangement for peace, for kindliness for cooperation? Would everybody beckon us to their markets? I can not bring my credulity up to that P.'2t-T !have reached years of discretion. And I have met some very young men who know a great deal more than some very old men. And what is the meaning? It is that the government of the league of nations sion covonant of arbitration and discus- Has anybody ever told you that before' I dare say thnt everybody you have he-irri about this discusses article X. Twenty-five Other Ones. Well, there are twenty-five other articles ar-ticles in it and all of them are about something else. They discuss how-soon and how quick we can get out of it. Well. I am not a quitter for one. We can get out just aq soon as we want to. hut we don't want to get out Just as soon as v,-e get in And then they talk about the Monroe doctrine, when it expressly savs that nothing In that instrument shall be con strued as affecting In any wav the valid ity of the Monroe doctrine. It savs so in so many words. And all the othe'r'thlntrs they ta.k about draw your attention from tne essential matter. 'vm The essential matter is this: All members mem-bers of that league-and it will Include all the fighting nations of the world c--cer, Germany promise that they will never go to war without first submitting the questions at issue to arbitration and ab! solute. y abiding by the decision of the arbitrators. Or, if they are not willing to submit it to arbitration, submit it to (ilx cussion by the capital council Pf .',; eague. that they will gye the council of the league six months in which to con-sioer con-sioer it, and that if they do not like the opinion of the council, th'ev will wait f'ree months after the opinion 'is rendered' before be-fore going to war. Platform of Parties. This afternoon a book I had forgotten all about, one of the campaign hooks of the Inst political campaign, was put in Hollands, Ho-llands, and I found in that book the platforms plat-forms of the two parties, antl In both those platforms they advocated lust such an arrangement as the league of rations When I was on the other side of the water wa-ter I did not know that 1 was takini- obeying orders from both parties. Uut I was. Now I want you to understand, my I fellow citizens, that t did not leave Washington Wash-ington and come out on this because ) I doubted what was going to hsppen. I dldn t. For one thing. I wanted to have and how it Is going to pay for it. and if-we if-we must, to save ourselves, contribute to the financial rehabilitation of the world, then without being members of this partnership part-nership we must put our money in the hands of those who want to get the markets mar-kets that belong to us. That is what these gentlemen call playing a lone hand. It is indeed, playing play-ing a lone hand; it Is playing a hand that is frozen out. We must contribute the money which other nations are to use in order to rehabilitate their industry and credit, and we must make them our antagonists and rivals and not our partners part-ners I put that proposition to any business busi-ness man. young or old. in the United States and ask him how he likes it, ancl whether ho considers that a useful way for the United States to stand alone. Mast Carry Burden Whether or No. We have got to carry this burden of reconstruction, whether we will or not or be ruined, and the question is. snail we carry it and be ruined anyhow, for that is what these gentlemen propose, that at every point we shall be em- barrassed bv the whole financial affairs of the world being in the hands of other nations. The men who propose these tilings do not understand the selfish interests in-terests of the United States. Because here is the rest of the picture, hot rivals, burning suspicions, jealousies, arrangements arrange-ments made everywhere if possible to shut us out because, if we won't come in as equals, we ought to be shut out. As it stands now, every nation ti-usts us They look to us. They long that we shall undertake anything for their assistance rather than that any other ration should undertake It. And if we av we are in this world to live by ourselves and get what we can out of it bv any selfish process, then the reaction will change the whole heart and attitude of the world towards this great, free, iusticc-loving people, and after you have changed the attitude of the world what hnve von produced peace? Why. my follow 'citizens, Is there any man here, or woman let me say is there any chhd here who does not know that the seed of war In the modern world is industrial and commercial rivalry? Ladles and gentlemen, I don t say it because I am an American and my heart is full of the same pride that fills yours, with regard to the power and the spirit of this great nation, hut merely because It is a fact which I think everybody would admit outside of America as well as inside of America, the organization contemplated bv the league of nations, without the United States would merely bo an alliance and not a league of nations. na-tions. It would be an alliance in which the partnership would be between the more powerful European nations and Japan and the other party to the world arrangement, the antagonists; the dis-associatlve dis-associatlve party, the party to be standing stand-ing off and to bo watched by the alliance would be the United States of America. There can be no league of nations In the true sense without the partnership of this great people. This war was a commercial and Industrial In-dustrial war. It was not a political war. Very well, then, if we must do something some-thing else, we must be physically ready for anything to come. We must have a great standing army. Duty of Americans. We must see to it that every man in America is trained to arms. We must see to it that there are munitions and guns enough for an army. That means a mobilized nation. They are not only laid up in store, but they are kept up to date so that they are ready to use tomorrow. to-morrow. And what -does that mean? Reduction Re-duction of taxes? -No. Not only the continuation con-tinuation of the present taxes, but the increase of the present taxes. It means something very much more serious than that. We can stand that so far as the expense is concerned if we care to keep up the high cost of living and enjoy the other luxuries that we have recentiy enjoyed. en-joyed. But what is more serious, we have got to have tiie sort of organization which is the only kind of organization that can handle armies of that sort. We may say wh&t we please of the German government govern-ment that has been destroyed, my fellow fel-low citizens, but It was the only sort of government that could handle an armed nation. You can't handle an armed nation na-tion by vote. You have got to have concentrated, con-centrated, militaristic organization of government to run a nation of that sort. And you can't watch other nations with your unassisted eye. You have got to watch them by secret agencies planted everywhere. And let me testify to this, my fellow citizens, I not only did not know It until we got Into this war, but I did not believe it when I was told that It was true. Germany was not the only country that maintained a secret service. Every country in Europe maintained it because they had to be ready for Germany's Ger-many's spring upon them, and the only difference between the German secret service and the other secret service was that the German secret service found out more than the others did. Financial Leadership Ours. Under the league plan tiie financial leadership will be ours; the Industrial supremacy su-premacy will be ours; the commercial advantage will be ours, and the other countries of the world will look to us, |