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Show H THE TREASON OF ROOSEVELT. H Former Senator Blackburn of Kentucky objects to Roosevelt's H "New Nationalism," as he says it means treason deeper and darker H than was ever attributed to the South from 1861 to 1865. H At the banquet in Baltimore, where the Democrats met to cele- H brate their triumphs in the 1910 elections and promote harmony, H Blackburn was one of the principal speakers and his utterance may H be accepted as voicing the sentiments of the Democratic leaders pres- H ent, and, therefore, as being the protest of Democracy in opposition H to "the declaration of Theodore Roosevelt known as his "New Na- H tionalism." H Let us inquire as to the nature of this new nationalism and ask H aurselves as to its treason, H Roosevelt objects to the uncurbed power of the great corpora- H lions that ,are monopolistic in extent and unscrupulously directed in H :he crushing of independent concerns. Is that a treasonable attitude? M Roosevelt objects to a partisanism that forbids an open-minded HI sonsideration of men and measures. Is that treason? H Roosevelt stands for conservation and offers resistance to those M vho would rob the American people of their rich heritage in the na- M ural resources of the nation. Is that treason? H Roosevelt believes in criticising those courts that have manifestly H ' rrred in their opinions. He would make the courts amenable to H jrystalized public opinion to the same degree that the President of H She United States or Congress is made responsive to the will of the H great majority. Antiquated precedents and non-progressive rulings H "" would be eliminated, so that the courts, as well as the other branches H Df government, might keep abreast of the present demands of society Hj Roosevelt has the best of company in his position. Lincoln criticised H the supreme court in two of its opinions involving 'the question of H slavery, and events since have justified the great emancipator and H overruled the supreme court. The supreme court of the United States HI .is as much in need of an understanding of the drift of public senti- H jment and the changing conditions of society as the legislative or H executive branch of government. H Roosevelt has said that a trade must bear the risks of the trade. H In other words, that a man, employed in an extra hazardous occu- Hi pation, if injured, should be compensated, and if killed, his wife and H children should receive damages. Roosevelt, in such cases, would H do away with the rule of contributory negligence. He would make H all society yield something to those members of society who risk life H and limb for the benefit of the people as a whole. Up to the present, M that has ben considered by jurists like Baldwin as revolutionary H and unjustifiable. By the great body- of the American people it is M recognized as exact justice and an obligation that we, as a fair-mind- M ed people, cannot escape without inflicting a wrong on the struggling H masses most in need of a protecting, uplifting hand. H Undoubtedly former Senator Blackburn, if closely questioned HI as to Roosevelt's most serious act of disloyalty, would point to this B departure from the beaten path of property rights and disregard of M human life as treason dark and deep, yet is it treason? H The trouble with Senator Blackburn is that he has been standing H still for twenty years, while the world around him has advanced. M The ipse dixit of no man is accepted for much these days unless H it stands the test of practical experience. Blackburn may be in har- j mony with his Democratic colleagues, but he is sadly out .of harmony H with the times. The treason" against which he pomplains is the march H of civilization toward the goal of equal rights. |