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Show nl,'Jr J r'NM'''irM-'",a- ; l"' f I r "" -- "ir IT' v 1ii"(f'" William S. White b t fait fab ffibtme Sunday Morning, January 81, 1971 Nixon: He Takes Office in Stride Page 18 WASHINGTON The air having been thick with pro and con analyses of the Nixon Administrations first two years in terms of issues, it might be timely now to examine the state Congress and Economy Hold Key To Presidents Budget Goals There is a temptation to be facetious, something to the effect that President Nixon predicted a $1.3 billion surplus in the federal budget this year and got an $18 billion deficit. So now that he is forecasting an $11 billion deficit for fiscal 1972, maybe be will end with a surplus. However, for President Nixon, the budget proposal he submitted Friday to Congress is grimly serious. That deficit is a prominent question mark. After years of ideological prejudice against incurring debt to spur the nations sluggish economy, a Republican President has apparently changed his game plan. The administrations crucial explanation hinges on the phrase, full employment budget. In Mr. Nixons own words, a full employment budget assumes spending does not exceed the revenues the economy could generate under the existing tax system at a time of full employ- localities. A novel presidential proposal is Mr. Nixons preference for releasing 30 percent of the U.S. highway trust fund to be used on mass transit or other transportation facilities tnat cities and states deem deserving. It is also a timely notion for areas that can no longer tolerate unlimited paving and repaving. Utah and the Mountain West felt effects from the Presidents expenditure paring His water and park spending requests l below the fiscal 1971 total. There is no mention of money for the Dixie Project. The Central Utah Project was endorsed at a bare minimum $10.2 million, $2 million of which would come And since the President is advised that an economic upturn, combined with deficit spending, will restore virtually full employment, he feels justified in figuring g revenues. It is a plan on that requires massive confidence, not only at the White House, but throughout the country as well. Budget recommendations carrry forward the Presidents State of the Union call for shifting government responsibilities to state and local levels. They also reflect his intentions to reorganize a number of federal executive departments. Ravenue sharing, it becomes increasingly clear, involves blotting out specific Great lion presidential recommendation. And, of course, they will doubtless say their share can be found by cutting someone else's allocation. A central question, in the end, concerns effects on an unsteady economy. Mr. Nixon tried to limit public spending and restrict the money supplies as an measure. Unemployment inso did the cost of living. but creased, White House aides called for patience. The Presidents latest budget message anticipates full employment and bearable inflation. Has he in fact relaxed too soon? Congress and the public may hold the answer to that. ment budget-balancin- Society programs such as Model Cities, urban renewal, school aid to the poor, in favor of enlarged block money grants to from unspent 1971 appropriations. The irony is that other areas including Utah are sure to ask for more from Congress, more added to a gigantic $229.2 bil- anti-inflatio- distinguished U.S. envoy, succeeded in mediating a long estrangement between Mexico and the Catholic Church. He was awakened the following Sunday by church bells, the first heard in Mexico City for three years, and he remarked to his wife, of . . . I have opened the churches Mexico. Other bells joined the chorus of mounting clangand after a half-hoor, Ambassador Morrow asked his wife, . . . Would you now like me to close the ur churches of Mexico? The Grant Cartoon Victory Through Air Power The Public Forum Wonderful Land n Editor, Tribune: With reference to letters in your Jan. 25 issue: Being an adopted son of this wonderful land, I wonder how naive anyone must be, to be on the fence about communism and exalt counthe virtues of Communist-controlle- d tries. Certainly we have made some mistakes and as time goes on, we will probably make some more, but as I look at it, our batting average on the plus side outscores the negative by a large margin. We have yet to come up with anything as atrocious as the rape Hungary and Czechoslovakia, and they are only small samples of domination by the Communist iron heel. We borrow to finance our various programs. They do it with slave labcr and confis 'f the statute and the Senate concurs then the governors suggestion will have been implemented though not exactly as suggested. Any action that will reduce the number of proposed amendments on the 1972 ballot deserves legislative support. So many amendments have been proposed that there is a good chance their sheer number will so confuse voters in 1972 that all will fail. Congress last year faced much the same question now put to the Legislature by the governor: Should it try to cat through the slow, expensive and uncertain constitutional amendment procedure in order to obtain a desired goal? Congress decided it should and the Supreme Court upheld Congress right to lower the voting age by statute insofar as it applied to federal elections. That left states free to set their own age limits. It also left a huge potential for confusion with being permitted to vote for President but not for governor; for vice president but not for justice of the peace. If the voting age can be lowered by statute then much confusion will be avoided in Utah in 1972. That is reason enough to try. Mistaken Noise Control Retreat In the late 1920s, Dwight Morrow, a Forum Rules Public Forum letters must not be niore than 250 words in length, must be submitted exclusively to The Tribune and bear writers foil name, signature and address. Names must be printed on political letters but may be withheld for good reasons on others. Writers are limited to ona letter every ten days. Preference will be given letters permitting use of true same, and to those which are typed (double-spaceand short. d) cation, and therefore no national debt. We are a long way from being told when and what to do, how to live, where to live. If we want to leave here, which I would recommend for those who feel it would be ideal to live over there, we can sell what we own, and leave. If one could manage to leave one of those wonderful havens over there, one would do well to escape with the clothes on their back. What about the Berlin wall as a place of exit? lived in this wonderful land since 1910, and it has been good to me. I am not rich. I live in a modest home with a car in the garage, in a locality of medium values, and this I would not trade for the largest estate in Russia or Cuba. R. A. CARSON Pocatello, Idaho Good Public Relations Editor, Tribune: I think it is unfortunate The point is, and it becomes increasingly clear to more and more Americans, that a pleasant sound overdone is a nuisance. And for that reason, tie Salt Lake City Commission acted wisely earlier this month when it passed an ordinance against firus ODer&ting loudspeakers on of their businesses. the sidewalk in Such a practice was starting to spread, as do most commercial innovations, and city officials correctly anticipated the potential noise problem involved. However, on receiving a complaint about the mov-ruining a music companys trade, commissioners agreed to amend their action, permitting soft broadcasting from store entrances. The retreat was a hat our police department has dropped ambulance services. By providing such services the police helped maintain a positive image of being active In assistance to anyone in emergency distress. A teenaged neice of mine was most probably saved from death some years ago by prompt arrival of an ambulance manned by two capable and also compassionate policemen. Neighbors ai. others were impressed. BIRNLT HOVEY Unfair Advantage Editor, Tribune: I would like to add a further comment to the letter Need Fewer Guns (Forum, Jan. 23). Its a mystery why the term sportsman, with all it implies, is used to describe the hunter with a gun, telescope sight, binoculars, hunting maps, a helicopter vehicle to make the hunt more or to effortless, not to mention flush deer, moose and elk calls to entice these animals to come a little closer, or a dog to point, flush and retrieve birds, and who hunts, much too often, just for kicks. He doesnt want the meat, has no use for the hides, doesnt particularly care for the taste of wild fow1. He might like to take home a magnificent rack of hems for his friends to admire, if hes lucky. And never mind about the wounded left to die on their own. A wild creature isnt given much of a sporting chance against odds like these. Hunting could be called a true sport if the hunted were able to return fire. It would also bring senseless, fun killing to a screeching halt. high-powere- d fo:!r-whe- el bush-whacke- rs If the storefront broadcast is going to be loud enough to attract customers, how can it be so soft it doesnt contribute to the downtown noise level? And if there is no limit on who can operate this amplified pitchman's yawk, wont the city be inviting a muted, but nevertheless audible sidewalk discord? Salt Lake City Is making progress toward modernizing and refining its downtown shopping district. No trend that would bring in the sounds of a carnival rrlway ought to be encouraged or allowed. The City Commissions original ordinance would properly cut down noise pollution, not add to it. Commissioners should leave matters there. MARGUERITE Evanston, COOK Wyc- - llail to King r After lowering himself oat of a window on a rope and shouting the name of his new song, a Japanese composer is arrested for being in a place where he was not supposed to be." However, everybodys got to be somewhere. fifth-floo- Tough Cop on the Beat Shows Less Strain His face shows less strain, in fact, than on the day he was sworn in; and his whole manner, less fatigue. To be sure, his is a far more closed-i- n personality than that of either of his immediate predecessors, John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, both of whom aged visibly after their first two years in the big house on Pennsylvania Avenue. Comparisons here may be somewhat misleading in that Richard Nixon plays everything close to his chest where Lyndon Johnson, and to a lesser degree John Kennedy, would from time to time among friends symbolically cast the whole deck of cards Into the nearest fireplace and utter a few short Anglo-Saxo- n words not suitable for family newspapers. Takes It in Stride All the same, and making due allowance for human differences, the preponderant is that Mr. Nixon Is, psychologically at least, taking the presidency in stride to a remarkable extent. There are all soits of possible explanations, one no doubt being that the old Nixon took so many beatings so long from within his own party as well as from the other one that he developed a relative Immunity to pain. Still, in this columnists opinion, the main reason for the Presidents obvious and positively blooming health lies in the fact that he not only paces himself carefully but has so arranged matters as to protect himself as Kennedy did only partially and Johnson never did at all. GeareJ Differently The Nixon White House, '.hat is to say, is geared very differently from the two White Houses before it. Kennedy and Johnson were enchanted with idea men for their palace guards; Nixon has gone precisely in the opposite direction. Where his predecessors sought sheer brilliance in staff people (with the inevitable corollary of high ego in them), Richard Nixon has staffed his establishment with stolid managerial types. Where disloyalty to the boss was epidemic in the Johnson era mainly from the old Kennedy types he persisted in retaining to the last possible moment absolute loyalty to the boss has clearly been made the. first, and absolute, requirement by President Nixon. Finally, and perhaps most important, nothing gets to" Richard Nixon in the way things got to John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. The simple reasoi. is that nothing ever drives really very far into and nobody the basically impenetrable core of Richard Nixon. f-d- Lower Voting Age by Statute If Utahns want to lower the voting age to 18 for local and state elections they have two options: Constitutional amendment and lowering the age limit by statute. The first method is slow but legally safe. The second is fast but uncertain. Yet even if it fails nothing is lost. Gov. Rampton has suggested that the Legislature try the fast route and pass a law setting the voting age at 18. The law would then be tested in the Surpeme Court and, if found constitutional, would bring the Utah voting age into line with the new lower federal limit If the court ruled the law unconstitutional there still would be time for the 1972 budget session of the Legislature to put a constitutional amendment on the 1972 ballot. It cant get on the ballot until 1972 anyway even if the present Legislature rejects the governors plan and opts for change solely through constitutional amendment. Friday the House voted to go for the amendment but various members said the statutory route would also be tried first. They reasoned that if the statute is upheld the amendment vote could be canceled. If the House follows through on of Richard Nixon himseH. The short way to say it is that the pressures of the presidency have left fewer marks upon him, than upon any other White House occupant in recent memory. If he is not actually enjoying sitting in this hottest of all the hot seats of power (as from time to time he roundly avers to be the case), he is doing an incred'ble job of Editor, Tribune: Stan Carter in his illogical statement concerning Martm Luther King (Forum, Jan. 28), has missed the basic point of Xing's ministry. King asked no one to embrace the religion of anyone, white or black, who conducted wars and witch hunts or evi-den- enslaved groups of people because of their race or religion. He asked people to follow Jesus Christ, who taught peace and love for all mankind. KATHY HANSEN Mt. Pleasant School Improvement Editor, Tribune: To say I was delighted to read Robert L. Manns letter (Forum, Jan. Schools would 26) entitled "Twelve-Mont- h be putting it lightly. For 30 years in charge of school health programs in Davis County, I advocated such a change. Were such a change to occur, I would the day be broken up yes, urge suggest 8 a.m. to 12 noon or 12 :30 into two periods with students attending either to 4 :30 p.m. one or the other session. It is the exceptional student who isnt restricted to four academic subjects. The frill subjects could be given to afternoon students from 10 a.m. to 12 noon, morning students from 12:30 p.m. to 2:30 p.m. Athletic preparation, instead of late 12 noon to 1:30 p.m. Teachers wishing to augment salaries could teach a session and a half or act as substitutes when colleagues are ill. Such a program could cut present classes in half and make desired personal attention for the student available. Likewise, it would restrict the need for new and expensive buildings for 25 years. I appreciate all the clamor It will provoke, so we will forego the further need for such a change. D. KEITH BARNES, M.D. Kaysville Theodore Long Hereditary Power in an Elected Congress Every two years when e new Congress convenes, the liberals hope to refom the rules. And every two years, the liberals lose. This is not surprising. The reformers may have the best of the argument, but the status quo has the most friends. The issue, moreover, means very little away from Washington. Although the voters are interested in what Congress does, they pay little attention to the way it is done, and many of them probably arent even aware of the role of legislative committees or the effects of the seniority system. The system is undemocratic because it not only confers advantages by chance but makes them hereditary. When Chairman Russell of the Senate Appropriations Committee died this month, Sen. Ellender of Louisiana inherited the position. When Rep. Rivers died, the chairmanship of the House Armed Services Committee was automatically transferred to Rep. Hebert, also of Louisiana. And Ellender and Hebert, like Russell and Rivers before them, were in line for advancement only because they had built up seniority in office and had outlived the competition. Susceptible to Abuse Since committees serve a useful purpose in drafting and passing legislation, the seniority system might be acceptable if it were not so susceptible to abuse. A committee chairman wields immense power. He can delay or pigeonhole legislation he doesnt like. And, in some cases, when his authority is challenged, he can win ti,e support of other legislators through his ability to grant special favors. Supporters of seniority, apparently unable to devise logical arguments in its favor, claim that it's really part of a master plan for protecting the public against tself. Congress, in their opinion, is likely to act impulsively unless wise and experienced men are in firm control. And isn't the seniority system a wonderful way of assuring wisdom and experience? An effort is also made to draw a parallel between the seniority system and the government of checks and balances established -- by the Constitution. But the latter system applies to all three branches of government in executive, legislative and judicial their relations with each other while seniority applies to Congress alone. Moreover, seniority is not based on statutory law but is the creation of precedent or custom. ' n b Masters of Compromise Seniority's minuses are all too obvious, and its few pluses are myths. Probably the most that can be said in its favor is that it is an orderly system which prevents the bitter contests that might erupt if committee chairmen were elected every time a new Congress convened. However, hard-foug- h e h k P hi ii h ht contests frequently occur over other issues and seldom, if ever, with damaging results. Congressmen and senators, like all professionals in politics, are masters of compromise. Otherwise, representative government would quickly break down. But the most serious fault of the system is that it lessens the effectiveness of Congress by putting a premium on political longevity. For example, a newcomer to the Senate is given obscure assignments, no matter how brilliant his previous record, and must wait upon the pleasure of his elders for advancement. The fate of a newcomer to the House, . 'ith its much larger membership, is even more frustrating. s P s h X 1 In Republics Youth In contrast, 160 years ago, Henry. Clay was elected speaker of the House during his first term! Of course, that was In the Republics early days before the idea of seniority caught on. A figurative earthquake will be necessary to produce substantial congressional reforms. reformers will keep Meanwhile, would-b- e hacking away at the monolith. When the 92nd Congress began work, House Democrats and Republicans agreed that seniority, as applied to chairmanships, could be bent a little if the need arose, a reform if there ever was one. But it's at least a start a sign the reformers message is getting through on Capitol Hill. Unless it gets through elsewhere, however and strong public pressure develops, those who benefit from a system of hereditary power in an elected Congress will hold on to everything they cam 2 S 1 9 t |
