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Show f has blinded the eyes and stopped the ears of two-thlrda and more of our jleople, do that only a mere handful of men and women, and they at tho very bottom of tho social and commercial com-mercial scale, are able to see the wrongs or hear the cries for help of men who now and here are seeking that refuge from oppression and brutality bru-tality which this nation was supremely supreme-ly intended to be. Capitalism In this country has almost-completely ossified ossi-fied whatever conscience this people has possessed, and it. is only, by infinite in-finite struggle, and pain, and. sacrlCco that the claims of 'simple justice can be brought to the minds of the people. peo-ple. Indeed, capitalism has so long and so completely smothered the nation's na-tion's conscience, that even the minister min-ister of a church,1 tho professed follower follow-er of Jesus Christ, takes his life In his hands when he attempts to arouse tho conscience of his congregation to the facts and needs and demands of i.ioral and spiritual Integrity. And not one In a thousand of those who mako that attempt can find a congregation which will give him a living support while he makes that ntterapt. Yes, the Russian government today Is a mirror In which every other government govern-ment may look to see Its own reflection. reflec-tion. The autocracy of Russia Is nothing but the legitimate Issue of all capitalism. That autocracy Is not a whit more cruel, moro heartless, moro morally debasing and destructive, than the capitalistic autocracy which today determines the policies and purposes, tho conceptions and. alms, the morals and ethics, which control the public and private life or America. Amer-ica. The Russian revolution Is a great object lesson hung up before the eye3 of all the world so that no one may have any excuse-for not seelngswbat it is that If fundamental to the welfare of the human soul, held up there to tell the world that the only basis on which wo can build anything noble or true or enduring are the basis ot economic justice. However difficult It may be to see the truth in other countries, there is no excuse for not toeing on the chart of tho Russian resolution exactly what the church means today, what government means today, what education means today, fmd above all what justice requires. Where will you find faith in Russia? Will you find it among those who are contented with things as they are? No, you will find faith alono among' those who make up the revolutionists of Russia. Where will you 'find heroism hero-ism In Russia? Will you find it among those who accept the existing system as good, among those who make up Its ruling class? No, you will find heroism in Russia only among those who are making their very lives a free, glad offering for freedom, lor justice, for the uplllt of every least and lowest mcmby tt unhappy country. The Tories of thy; Russian revolutionists are erics, ar gospels, are stories which, as no othlr I know of, bring to mind the nobility and sacrifice sac-rifice and loyalty of those Aho inaugurated inau-gurated Christianity In the wcrld. In no other nation or face today can the deeds or the faith of those revolutionist? revolution-ist? bo paralleled. The very conditions which exist In this country make practically impossible impos-sible tho samo kind of heroism which marks so many of these Russian revolutionists. revo-lutionists. Tho American charactor has been almost wholly corrupt and tainted by the dominant materialism of our nation. From the cradle up, the Ideal of the young man or young woman in this country Is to get ahead, to succeed in business, to mako money. Accepting our government as the best In the world, we do not feci any profound necessity of a change in that government, and by that very fact we lack one of tho gieatcst motives which Inspires our Russian brothers and sisters. Accepting Accept-ing American Ideals as good, we consciously con-sciously or unconsciously shape our plans to fit our children to those ideals, no matter what It may mean for their moral nature. Accepting tradition or fashion or the limitations of mere class interests as the standard stand-ard by which a church is to be deemed successful, we lack the power to change our methods and to lind sanction sanc-tion and sacredness in measures and methods far different from those of tho majority of churches. And jet, it seems to me that the very fact of our souls and the souls of our children In thii. country depends upon our shaking shak-ing off these shackles of tradlUon aud custom and Inherited Ideals and bravery, at any cost, devote ourselves In the most direct way possible to fundamental revolutionary work. Tho old religious ways and methods and ideas and Ideals are as played out and worthless as are the old political faiths and the old industrial ways. A r.ew ethics Is here, a new morality Is here, a new education Is due, a new re'ision Is already Inspiring men and wemen with larger and diviner sanctions sanc-tions and ideals. We can see today that the. sacredest Interests of man kind depended in tho eighteenth century cen-tury upon the revolutionary spirit of that century. Shall it not be posslblo for us now to see that upon the revolutionary revo-lutionary spirit of tho twentieth century, cen-tury, the revolutionary spirit . which has mado the story of the Russian revolutionists a veritable gospel, depends de-pends the sacredest interests and Issues Is-sues of this age? mark the character of men's speech at those times and notice also by whom such speech was thought intemperate intem-perate and dangerous. Begin, If you please, with one of tho most radical revolutions the world has known; the, beginning of Christianity. No matter1 what a world steeped in superstition has attempted to do with the person per-son of Jesus; no matter If later times havo deified him and by that process Temoved far from any vital contact with our life his teaching and his deeds. The fact remains that he .spoke to his contemporaries as a man and he lived among them as a man. Only so could he be anything or do anything for them. And It was absolutely ab-solutely necessary that- they should know and judge him as-a man. It wasn't as a god that people listened to him or judged him. People Peo-ple had to hear him and think of hlra as a man, and that is precisely what they did do. It was therefore as a man. and not as a God, that Jesus snld to the very pillars of church and state In the land where he was born and lived- "Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees hypocrites! for ye tithe mint and anise and cummin, and have left undone the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy and faith. Woo unto yout set lbes and Pharisees hypocrites! for ye devour. widows' houses even while for a pretenco yc mako long prayers. Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! hy-pocrites! for ye build the sepulchers of tho prophets and garnish the tombs of the righteous, and say, If we had been In tho clays of our fathers, we should not have been partakers with them In the blood of the prophets.' Wncrcfore ye witness to yourselves that vo aro the sons of them that slew the prophets. Ye serpents, ye offspring of vipers, how shall ye escape es-cape the judgment of hell?" It would be impossible anywhere In the records of the world's religious reformers to find plainer language than this or langonge which can possibly pos-sibly seem more Intemperate from the point of view of the ordinary religionist relig-ionist of today. Indeed; there isn't one man out of a thousand In tho ranks of - the Christian ministry, a ministry which finds its authority and justification In Jesus as nowhere elso no one man in a thousand who ever finds it necessary to use language re-motel' re-motel' resembling this of Jesus. And why? Because the ministers of today to-day set before themselves no such purpose or end as Jesus did. Because they have accepted the customs and institutions of their age without protest, pro-test, because they haven't tho slightest slight-est Intention of effecting any change in these customs or Institutions. That language of Jesus was addressed addres-sed to the men of his time who occupied oc-cupied the highest places In society and In the church. Where Is there a minister today who feels tho pros-, sure of any social necessity to antagonize an-tagonize the pillars of his church? In nine cases out of ten, the religious Institutions of today, occupying precisely pre-cisely the same relative position toward to-ward the world that tho religious Institutions In-stitutions of the time of Jesus did, cwn its preachers,- body and soul, and they do not see or feel the things which Jesus saw and felt. Indeed, the only reason why. the mass of churchmen today find no particular fault with these terrible arraignments vhlch Jesus brought against the churcn of his day is because they do not understand that they arc exactly as applicable to the church of our day and because by making Jesus a God he has been as effectively removed re-moved from any relation to the affairs of this worlu as If he was a resident of Mars. . But the beginning of Christianity was not the only revolution in human hum-an history, nor was Jesus the only Intemperate In-temperate revolutionist. The. beginnings begin-nings of this republic were marked by that same spirit. We men and women of today for tho most part have no adequate idea of tho state of things existing In this country prior to and during the time of the revolutionary revolu-tionary war. It is very easy for us to imagine, and T think the vast majority ma-jority of us do Imagine, that the men who made this republic, tho men to, whom we owe the establishment of it, were exactly of the same typo as the meri who now fill our public offices or the men who now constitute our nation. Nothing could be farther form the truth. Without any exceptions, excep-tions, the men of the thirtecn colonles who were Instrumental in securing our independence of Great Britain, who resisted the oppressions of the mother country, who defied the constituted con-stituted authorities, who led a rebellion rebel-lion against those who then constituted constitut-ed the government all those men were called by the wealthy and Influential Influ-ential fellow citizens "demogogues." That was exactly the word which was almoBt universally applied by the substantial sub-stantial citizens of this country to men like Samuel Adams, James Otfr;, Thomas Thom-as Jefferson, Patrick Henry, and tho rest. There Is no difference of opinion opin-ion among historians as to the fact that the revolutionary struggle In this country a hundred and thirty years ago was led and carried on not at all by the wealthy and respectlblo of our communities, but by exactly the class of men who are the revolutionists revolu-tionists of every country today. The wealthy and-respoctlble and cultured were very largely tories, sympathizers sympathiz-ers with Great Britain, never making mak-ing the smallest protest against the constituted authorities. And these tories lent no aid or support to what they regaided the demagogic and unwarranted un-warranted attempt to stir up strife with the mother country. You cannot can-not read the utterances of any of the men whose names we revere today without seeing that they laid themselves them-selves open to the charge of using Intemperate language Intempcrnte from the Tory point of view, Intemperate Intem-perate from the point of view of those who cared nothing for human rights, so long as their sacred property prop-erty rights were unmolested. And let it be borne In mind that It was not against the trifling tax on tea that the colonies rebelled It was against the prlnclp.e underlying that and other forms of taxation. It was the men In this country who put Infinitely In-finitely greater value on human rights than on property rlghts.who precipitated precipitat-ed the revolution. It Is for this reason that this gov-ernment gov-ernment of ours today does not point the way to the future aud gives no such promise of leading the way toward to-ward a higher destiny for mankind as Its founders hoped and believed. America nowhere offers to the world any such paralled to tho spirit of the founders of this natlou as Is to bo found in some of tho countries of Surope. I know how boastfully some of the men of this nation aro still professing a faith which Is nothing but empty words. But It Is worth while to remember that tbo deepest significance and promlso of a natlou for human progress are never Been to clearly by its members as by those Who dwell beyond its borders and 7 ' these are never seen at all by t'aose Of ? the , nation whoso eyes aro ever turned backward to the past. It Isn't In aiiy nations past that the promlso of its :futuro Is to be seen It 1s1q the nation's present Not in high-sounding high-sounding eulogy of the deeds of tho deadi but In tho resolute spirit and social faith of those who arc Jiving, la the real meaning of a nation to bo found. Is it not significant that it is not In America at all'that'the forward-looking souls of today aro finding, their ground for hope and cheer? Not even tho revolutionary spirits of America itself aro finding their greatest Inspiration here. - Tho most heroic deeds of the past fifty years' havo not been done in America. Amer-ica. ' The exampkis of superhuman sacrifice, the deeds of divine daring, have been done on ' the other side of the ocean and not here. Indeed, American literature cannot compare with Russian literature in vital quality. qual-ity. American drama bears no comparison com-parison with European drama. WTiere will you find in America any names to be spoken in the same breath with lol8toy, Kropolkin, Turgeneff, Ibsen, Karl Marx, August Bebel, Madam Lreshkovsky.Tchaolksky.and a hostot others who have been stirring the world's life ns no one of their 'American 'Amer-ican contemporaries has done. What rhilllps Bald nearly a generation genera-tion ago of Russia' Is Just as true today to-day of that government: "In Russia," Bald-he, "there. Is no press, no debate, no explanation of what government does, no remonstrance allowed, no agitation of public issues'. Dead silence, si-lence, like that which reigns at the f.urarolt of Mont Blanc, freezes the whclo empire, long ago described as a despotism tempered by . assassination. Meanwhile such despotism has unsettled un-settled the brains of. the ruling family, fam-ily, -as unbridled power doubtless made some of tho twelve Caesars In-, sane a madman sporting with tho lives and comfort of a hundrect million mil-lion men. The young, girl whispers In her ' mother's ear, under a celled roof, her pity for a brother knouted and dragged half dead Into exile for his opinions. The next week sho Is stripped naked and flogged to death In the public square. No Inquiry, no explanation, no trial, no protest; one dead uniform silence the law of tho tyant. Where is there any ground for hope or peaceful change? Where the-fulcrum upon which you can plant auy. possible lever?". ' Besides theso words of Wendell Phillips let U3 place the words qf one of tho priests of Russia, a prlost who has'. ceased to be tho mere creaturo and . slave of Russia's autocracy: "Thero Is no Christian Czar and no Christian government. Conditions of life -are not Christian. The upper classes rule the lower classes. A little lit-tle group keeps tho rest of tho population popu-lation enslaved. This little group has robbed the working people of wealth, power, science, art, and even religion, which they havo also subjected; they have left them only Ignorance and misery. In tho place of pleasure they have given the people drunkenness; In tho place of religion, gross super-ftltlon super-ftltlon and besides, tho work of a convict, a 'work without rest or reward. re-ward. That which tho upper class have, "taken by force or by artifices they havo called sacred property. When the nobility had serfs, the latter", lat-ter", were very sacred "property; at present some of them have taken pos: session of tho land and this they call sacred property'. If the Tlch had been, able to take the sky, the air, the sea, or the stars, they would still have called all-this their sacred property. Tney squeeze out heavy rents for the maintenance of their idleness, and when the people, brought nearly to exhaustion by their suffering, outraged in its highest feelings, speaks ot rights, demands for Its labor a part of their abundance, the rich classes tend against It with cannons and bayonets bay-onets its own brothers only dressed up In the uniforms of soldiers and transformed by barrack drills Into a machine that kills." My friends, there is no spot on this earth today where the plain duty and demand of human, life, the supremo necessity of a human civilization, or the meaning of the system of things which now prevails all over the world are so clearly and unmistakably pictured pic-tured or where they are so well understood un-derstood as In Russia, There, as nowhere else, is dramatized for all the rest of us the real meaning of our human struggle. Tho words of the foremost French writer of the present lime, Anatole France, are literally true and they arc words which puncture the bombast behind which we Americans Ameri-cans have so long been content to hide our moral inertia and spiritual oegeneracy: "On the banks of the Neva, the Volga, and the Vistula." says M. France, "the fate of New Europe, and tho future of humanity, are being decided." What do those words mean? They mean that nowhere no-where on this earth can the real meaning mean-ing of the forces which make for human hu-man degradation and slavery and tho forces which make lor human freedom free-dom and progress be so clearly seen. What Is the Russian government today? to-day? Do you say it is merely a surviving sur-viving feudalism? Not at all. The present Russian government I3 the legitimate logic of capitalism. The Iaisslan autocracy and Its unspeakable unspeak-able violation of all that Is just or decent are merely the Inevitable is-Bues is-Bues of capitalism. Capitalism anywhere any-where and everywhere means privilege, privi-lege, means Irresponsible power, means the sacred rights of property end no rights whatever for human beings, no rights for the human soul. The fundamental law which governs the bureaucracy of Russia lsthe law of capitalism. The very same capital-it capital-it m which dictated our treaty with Russia, the same capitalism which new and here regards any expression o: opposition or hostility to that monstrous government as "lutemper-ace," "lutemper-ace," the same capitalism which, trectcd Into the universal creed ot our American citizenship, Is bearing its natural and legitimate fruIUin the forcible suppression In this country of every attempt which labor makes to get even enough to make ends meet, In the almost universal use ot the pollco force of this country In exactly ex-actly the same way that tho Cossack Boldiery of savage Russia is used, namely, for the suppression or Tree Speech, for tho smothering of every voice that attempts on tho public streets of our cities to plead the only causo which In our day makes the work of the men of 1776 worth doing. Capitalism In this country has dried v'i tho very fountains of sympathy, so tliat millions of little children and women aro ruthlessly sacrificed all the while without hardly a protest from any oue, without a single protest from any Institution In our borders which represents- the Interests or properly. Capitalism In this country STRUGGLE IN DARK RUSSIA . WHAT IT MEANS TO THE WORLD AT. LARGE Reverend W. T. Brown Discusses Theme From Liberal Religious and Humanitarian Standpoint I Reverend W.-T. -Brown, speaking ' last evening to an appreciative congregation con-gregation upon the ) evolutionary struggle In Russia and what It means to the world, said In part: Most people In this country have been taught not only In the public Bchools, but by'all that they have ever seen In our public life, that revolutions revolu-tions are mere incidents in the his tory of the human race. Revolutions come only at long Intervals and they are to be regarded as something dread - I ful. Not a boy or girl that attends any public school In this country Is ever told the truth about our own revolution rev-olution or about- what reolutlons mean, or what place they have In tho world's life. There isn't a textrboo in print among us nor even a work of reference which shows that ,the American revolutionary struggle ' has any immediate bearing or relation to the present generation. And because be-cause this Is so, the American people peo-ple have become fetich -worshippers. They have made the revolutionary' war a fetich. They have assumed In all their thought about it that the principles of action which Inspired the revered men of that day were merely Incidental and temporal. We have never been taught that the principles by which the men of 177G were actuated ac-tuated were simply the principles by which all their posterity ought to be actuated. . We have assumed that tho great value of tho revolutionary fathers fa-thers was that they did something for us. that they thus freed us from any similar obligations. This is the immoral and false doctrine which wc of this nation have received. And I call you to witness that right here in our America, In a nation which on all public occasions has boasted of the deeds of our reolut!onary ancestors, we have all been taught to regard with suspicion and hostility any contemporary con-temporary person or party which savored sav-ored in the least of a revolutionary spirit. We have organized our societies, so-cieties, of "Sons of the Revolution" find "Daughters of the Revolution ' mere toys for idle and aimless people peo-ple to play with and prided ourselves oursel-ves If we could on being entitled by the mere chance of birth never be- I cause of any actual virtue possessed by ourselves to belong to one or other of theso societies. For dead revolutionists we havo professed the deepest reverence, but we have had no use whatever for a live revolutionist. revolution-ist. Could there be a better proof of utter degeneracy than we have given giv-en in this respect? It wasn't dead revolutionists that counted in 177C and it Isn't dead revolutionists that count I In 1909 Anywhere and any time one live revolutionist is worth a hunJred dead ones. There never was a time when the speech of men In earnest did not seem to other men intemperate and dangerous. danger-ous. Think of two or three of the revolutionary periods of history and |