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Show (0 i y 1 Jji. ' f A Remedy for Some L $ Forms of iKW SeIfish Legislation Kepi-lnted from an article by Theodore Roosevelt In The Outlook, by special arraiiKcment with Tha Outlook, of which Theodore Roosevelt Is Contributing fcidllur Copyright, laio. by The Outlook Company. All Rights Reserved. 5-', LLBSl HE August number of the rf World's Work contains an ifUht article which Is of interest sj&juf ' a" WDO are concerned in Si. the vital subject to which 1 we give the somewhat fogp,v title of "Political Reform." The article, for obvious reasons anonymous. anony-mous. Is written by a member of congress con-gress who, the editors of the World's Work say, has served for more than ten years in the house of representatives, representa-tives, has acted on many important committees, and has been successful In "getting things" for his constituency. constitu-ency. The article is described as "showing the reason why the 'pork-barrel,' 'pork-barrel,' special tariff favors, and pri- ! vate pension bills become law," the reason being, to quote the words of ' the author, that "the dictum of the constituency to the congressman is, 'Qet all you can for US.' There are Jo restrictions placed upon his method meth-od of getting it Until the American people themselves become more national and less local, until constituences cease to regard their congressmen as solicitors at the national treasury, congress will continue con-tinue to enact iniquitous groups of local lo-cal favors into national legislation." This serious charge against the American people for which there is unquestionably altogether too much justification the author proceeds to substantiate by relating some of his own experiences with constituents which, however surprising they may seem to the general reader, will seem almost commonplace to all who know how the average constituency does in actual practise treat its congressman. The writer sets forth the fact that, In the first place, ninety per cent, of the letters which a congressman receives re-ceives are requests for special favors to be obtained In some way or other, directly or indirectly, from the United States treasury. For Instance, while the Payne-Aldrich tariff law was under un-der discussion, this particular congressman con-gressman received In May, 1909, the following letter from the secretary of a powerful commercial association In his district: "I nave been instructed by the board of directors of this association to advise ad-vise you that at special meeting May 20, a resolution, copy of which is inclosed, in-closed, was unanimously adopted, urging urg-ing our representatives in congress to use every endeavor to have the present pres-ent tariff in (mentioning three of the preducts of the industries referred to) increased one cent per pound and the present tariff on (mentioning the other oth-er two products) increased half a cent per pound. I wish to further advise you that we have heard from Senator and he informs us that he will take care of this matter In the senate." When the bill was finally passed, the congressman succeeded in adding half a cent a pound to the duty on two ol these products and In preventing any reduction on the others. A year later, when the popular clamor against the bill had become acute, the same association that had asked him to vote for increases wrote to the congressman con-gressman denouncing the bill as "the most Iniquitous measure ever enacted by congress" and requesting him to explain ex-plain by letter why he had voted with "the Reactionaries" to pass the bill. When it was pointed out to the association asso-ciation that it had urged the congress-1 man to obtain an increase of duty on ! the products in which it was interested, inter-ested, it dropped its demand for an explanation. An influential newspaper newspa-per published in his district editorially editorial-ly commended him while the bill was under debate for his "intelligent efforts" ef-forts" to increase the duty on manufactured manu-factured articles in which the district was interested, and a year later the same newspaper in the same editorial column denounced him as one of "the egislative banditti responsible for the Payne-Aldrich measure." ,. River and harbor legislation Is another an-other field in which local selfishness busies itself, to the exclusion of national na-tional needs. In this case requests are not made by letter but by delegations delega-tions which come to Washington besieging be-sieging their senators and representatives. represent-atives. "There is," says the frank writer of this article, "figuratively speaking, between $50,000,000 and $60,000,000 on the table to be divided. The committee divides It so that every ev-ery one is satisfied, at le-st to a rea-sonoble rea-sonoble extent." Every one, that is, but the people at large, the people ; who have no special interest to serve, uid who feel keenly indignant that he rivers and harbors of the United ' States are developed Id h fashion so inferior to that of Eurone. Congress has now, und has long had, the power to rid its members of almost all the improper pressure brought to bear upon the individual by special interests great and small, local and metropolitan or such subjects sub-jects as tariff legislation, river and harbor legislation, and pension legislation. legis-lation. Congress has not exercised this power; chiefly because of what I am bound to regard as a very shortsighted short-sighted and unwise belief that it is beneath its dignity to delegate any of its functions. By passing a rule which would forbid the reception or passage of any pension bill save the pension legislation recommended by the Commissioner Com-missioner of pensions (this of course to be rejected or amended as congress saw fit, but not ' so amended as to Include any special or private legislation). legis-lation). Congress would at once do away with the possibility of lis members mem-bers being subject to local pressure for improper private pension bills, and at the same time guarantee proper treatment for the veteran who really does deserve to have everything done for him that the country can afford. In the case of the tariff and the river and harbor legislation, what is needed In each case is ample provision provis-ion for a commission of the highest possible grade, composed of men who thoroughly know the subject, and who possess every attribute required for the performance of the great and difficult dif-ficult task of framing in outline , the legislation that the country, as distinguished dis-tinguished from special Interests, really needs. These men, from the very nature of the case, will be wholly free from the local pressure of special Interests so keenly felt by every man who Is dependent upon the vote of a particular district every two. years for his continuance In public life. Such a river and harbor commission could report, and probably would report, re-port, a great and comprehensive national nat-ional scheme for river and harbor improvements im-provements fit to be considered by the people as a whole upon its merits, and not dependent for enactment into law upon a 6ystem of log-rolling designed to placate special interests which are powerful In each of many score congressional districts. Such a tariff commission could get at the facts of labor cost here and abroad by expert Inquiry, and not by the acceptance ac-ceptance of Interested testimony; such a commission could consider dispassionately dispas-sionately the probable effect upon the entire Boclal and economic body of all changes in any given branch of the tariff, and Its recommendations would represent the exercise of ' careful judgment from a disinterested standpoint. stand-point. Such a commission could work In harmony with the commissioner of ers "for whom the tariff is passed get labor, so as to Insure that the labor-the labor-the full benefit of It; for the major part of the benefit of a protective tariff should unquestionably go to the wage-workers. Even under such conditions of tariff-making tariff-making errors might be committed, but they would be merely those errors of disinterested Judgment Incidental to every kind of public or, for the matter mat-ter of that, private effort, and the work would not be hampered from the beginning be-ginning by the need of gratifying private pri-vate selfishness. It Is only In this way that tariff legislation, river and harbor legislation, legisla-tion, and pension legislation can be treated from the standpoint of principle prin-ciple and not from the very low standpoint stand-point of privilege and preference. The obstacle hitherto to the adoption of such a' method of treatment has come from the queer dislike felt by so many Congressional leaders to a course of action which they (quite unjustifiably) feel would in some way be a limitation of their powers. I think this feeling Is passing. It Is simply another instance in-stance of the kind of feeling which makes some executive suspicious about delegating their work to any subordinate, and which makes many voters, who have not pondered the matter deeply, desire to elect great numbers of people on a ticket of such length that it is out of the question for any except professional politicians to know much about them. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. At the Golf Competition. Player (nearing the green) Can you see a fly in my eye, old chap? Opponent Oh, yes, I can see it. I'll take It out when you've played your approach'!" London Opinion. |