OCR Text |
Show Washington. If the first legislative legisla-tive act of the new congress is to measure its effi-rlane effi-rlane ciency and its Embargo value as the policy poli-cy making branch of our government, there is no other conclusion than that our legislative body has sunk to a new low in its history. Of course, congress should not be judged by the mess it made in rushing through a resolution barring further shipment of airplanes air-planes and engines to Spain but on every side I hear criticism of the lack of common sense used in that . instance. To recall some of the details, when congress convened there was a wild and surging wave demanding that the United States remain neutral neu-tral and avoid entanglement in the Spanish crisis. Everywhere and on a million tongues was heard the cry that the United States should take no chances; it should take all of the stitches in time that are necessary to make certain that we will not get involved in a circumstance circum-stance on European soil that threatens threat-ens to become another 1914. It has been and is quite evident that the people of the United States are committed to a policy of peace, a policy of neutrality. European developments have proceeded so slowly that even the merest tyro has foreseen the ultimate clash between be-tween communism and fascism about which I wrote in these columns col-umns some weeks ago. In other words, the European situation has developed after a manner that would enable preventative plans to be laid on this side of the Atlantic ocean. But congress, in attempting to insure in-sure our neutrality, did probably the most unneutral thing it could have done. In so doing, I believe the consensus is that both house and senate demonstrated again the inability in-ability characterizing congresses of the last few years to appraise a complete picture. It yielded to what it believed to be the public demand without giving thought to the future. Let us analyze briefly what happened. hap-pened. The congress convened, as I have said, with an almost unanimous unani-mous demand from the country for a definite and workable neutrality policy. It convened with two or three individual business units seeking to deliver shipments of airplanes and engines to the so-called loyalist troops in Spain. The exporters of these war materials sensed quick action by congress that would destroy de-stroy their contracts. Naturally, they put on all speed to get the planes and engines out of this country coun-try ahead of an embargo. Congress, like so many boys in a college football foot-ball match, fell into the spirit of competition, a race. Well, the answer is that Robert Cuse succeeded in getting his planes and engines o n Beats Em board ship and to It away from New York and beat in the race by twelve hours, a fact which congressional leaders knew when they enacted the resolution of embargo. So, it appears to be almost inexcusable inex-cusable that men of brains should have rushed a piece of legislation on through its channels containing an entire absence of neutrality in its very language. The resolution that was to prevent pre-vent Mr. Cuse and several others from shipping airplanes and engines to Spain not only laid down the embargo em-bargo which was its purpose but it laid down that embargo specifically against Spain. Now, to those not versed in international inter-national law, it may not be immediately im-mediately evident how dangerous such a precedent is. International law requires (and it is accepted everywhere among all nations) that there shall be no discrimination among nations unless those nations are declared to be belligerents. Spain has not been so declared. The war in Spain is a civil war insofar as it relates to any other nation officially, Of course, it is a well known fact that troops from communist com-munist Russia and nearly-communist France are helping the so-called so-called loyalist government in Spain. It is equally well known that fascist troops from Nazi Germany and fascist fas-cist Italy are supporting the rebel liberal General Franco in Spain. These facts would seem to make the war in Spain something more than a civil war, which, indeed, it is, but as far as the United States is officially concerned, the war in Spain remains civil strife. And yet our congress in the worst display of low grade intelligence witnessed in a long time, specifically places Spain in the category of a nation at war with another nation and says in a statute that certain commodities commodi-ties may not be shipped to that nation. To stale this problem another way, it would have been exceedingly exceed-ingly simple to have made the legislation leg-islation apply to all nations and thereby to avoid embarrassment. There was time after the race with Mr. Cuse was lost to have made the correction of a mistake which should never have been made In the first place. But congressional leaders were swept overboard by the big wave and as far as I am concerned have demonstrated again their lack of ability to keep their feet on the ground. I do not know what it presages in the way of future legislation. It may be that after the excitement has died down, congress will again debate legislation and work out proper laws but the start certainly has been inauspicious. Attention ought to be called just here to the differences that have arisen and prom-bome prom-bome jEe to cause diffi- DifFerences culties between the executi v e branch of the government and some of the legislators. M r . Roosevelt, as President, seems to feel that he should have plenty of power to deal with problems like the Spanish situation and export of arms without "consulting congress. con-gress. A good many New Deal leaders in congress feel the same way. But there are many who disagree dis-agree with that idea. There is pronounced pro-nounced sentiment at the Capitol in favor of legislation that would definitely prohibit the exporting of arms and munitions of war but including in-cluding definitions and guide lines for those in the executive branch of the government to enforce. It is too early yet to tell what form the permanent legislation will take because of the circumstances just outlined. With the top heavy New Deal majority in congress, it would seem the better guess to predict pre-dict that Mr. Roosevelt will have his way but on the other hand, until such an issue becomes clear cut one cannot tell very far in advance how the two schools of thought will solve their problem and whether the United Unit-ed States will be committed further to the one man control that would necessarily result from granting additional discretionary power t o the President in a matter of this kind. There seems to be no doubt anywhere any-where that sooner or later one of the nations whose troops is participating partici-pating in the Spanish civil strife will commit an overt act, an act of war. Some hot-headed individual in command of a ship or an airplane or troops guarding a border will take a pot shot that will wipe out a life or two and wipe out peace at the same time just as occurred when the comparatively insignificant insignifi-cant Austrian Archduke was shot in 1914. There can be no question that the United States must follow an international policy under these circumstances cir-cumstances that is most cautious. It must watch its step. It dare not slip if it is going to stay out of that European cauldron. And congress, first of all. must calm down and consider this situation in the light of the future instead of the jittery urge to respond to excited editorials. Dr. Rexford Guy Tugwell, the famous fa-mous dreaming brain truster No. 1 of the Roosevelt lugwells administration, Last Act nas returned t o private life to an executive position with a molasses firm. Before he left his post as Undersecretary of Agriculture, Agricul-ture, however, the famous professor signed an order that is designed to curb lobbying by former employees employ-ees of the Department in whose administration ad-ministration he had a hand. The aim of this order was an obviously worthy one because it was designed to prevent former officials offi-cials or employees of the Department Depart-ment of Agriculture from using new connections with commercial groups from obtaining information or un-ing un-ing influence not of the best sort from a public standpoint. With that order, there can be no quarrel. I find among astute observers in Washington, however, no serious supposition that the order would operate to deprive Dr. Tugwell himself him-self or any other former official of high standing from access to members mem-bers of the Department's staff. It just does not work out that way. It never has and it never will, despite de-spite the wholesome character of the good professor's plans. The truth is that while such an order may make lesser officials more cautious and thus put a few obstacles in the way of petty lobbying, lobby-ing, it is thoroughly ineffectual in preventing the use of influence or the obtaining of information from that Department or any other in the government. The difficulty with this situation is that government offices are beir.g used as a stepping stone to more lucrative jobs, he government does not offer ambitious and able men a security of tenure. Men who demonstrate dem-onstrate ability in governmental positions po-sitions sooner or later tre offered jobs with great big salary checks attached and they would be less than human if they did not consider con-sider such proposition when they kiiow that in the course of human I events a great turnover will take place in their own Department and they are swept aside by reversal of public political action. Western Newspaper Union. |