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Show ' SHOULD BE IN POLITICS. H Rev. Richelson's Third Address to H Worklngroon. H "Rev. John Richelson, pastor of the H, Westminster Presbyterian church, last H night delivered tho third in his Merles of H I sennonw on "The Worklngman'a Prob- V i lems and Christianity," In which he H j recommended political action as 'thr? H ( second instrument for tho protection of H j 'labor nnd the forcing forward of better H . Industrial conditions. H I "There is," he said, "a political a- fl 1 1 1 pect to labor problem. In making ln- PPH dustrial conditions a political Itwue. lu- PPpfl I terest in industrial problems 1h m- PPH larged. The scope of labor unions must, PPH ) by the nature of things, be somewhat PPH ( limited. A groat many sufferers under PPH the present industrial and economic PPH j system are outside of the sphere of PPH j labor unions or unions; of any kind. PPH J Men in the moro unusual bUtfincFBea, PPpfl professional men, mon In small bide-" PPpH pendent business .ventures, theao-'aro, iH 1 ppppj i really outside of the sphere of labor unions1, and yet would benefit equally with union men under a moro Just industrial in-dustrial system. The political aspect of tho labor problem, therefore, appeals to even a greater class than tho union asppct, "The advantages of our Institution seem to bo a providential preparation for tho ushering In of a better day. God moves In history. No history la wasted. History repeats Itself In an ascending spiral. All things move forward toward a grand consummation." He traced tho means by which the world had been prepared for the rapid dissemination of Christian teachings and continued: "Pure Democracy has not yet come because tho untrammelled assertion of political franchises can not be exercised exer-cised by people who are dependent on an aristocracy for their bread. Holding a club over a man in a ballot box Is not a more compulsive way of making a man vote a certain way. than Is the threat of losing 'employment. Democracy Democ-racy must realize industrial equity or the idea of popular government has come Into tho world for a delusion and a snare. "Tho present Industrial system stands indicted. It makes the rich ever richer, an1 keeps the poor man poor. Of this system It can be said: To him that hath It shall be given and from him that hath not, shall be taken even that which he hath." The indictment is against the system, not against those who have profiled by the system. It Ir Imperative upor us who hope for a better day for mankind lo keep this truth !n mind. We accuse a system not a class of men. Labor does not want a man with the red flag. If any one of us were to fall heir to $5,000,000 tonight the chances are ninety-nine out of 100 lhat he would experience a groat change of opinion on Industrial ques-' Hons before many days. "The service of capital has bpen to organize and direct labor.- But the reward re-ward is out of all proportion to the pcrvlee. It has planned industry, but' It has enslaved the wealth producers. "This statement will be objected to by claiming that service Is voluntary. That the rich have no power to make anyone work In tact, thnt they only had mercy on those who begged to be employed. "Yet, the rich could well afford to sit back and be begged, for they knew that want compelled the poor to come to them. They knew the iron hand would force them to their knees. There was no real freedom about U. The sportsman who had hooked his fish can countenledly let him play or sulk; he has him anyway. He must come, his way at last. "Slavery Is the compulsion of the body of one to another. The compulsion compul-sion of hunger Is as strong as tho compulsion of the lash. The difference between chattel and Industrial slavery Is that In the llrst case tho master had to go to trouble and expense to keep the slave from escaping, while In this latter case It Is more convenient to the slave-owner because the slave Is grateful for the opportunity to be a slave. "Bui. it Mil be -a!d. the wage-earner receives wages, the slave received nothing. Difference only of words und in appearance. Slaves received sub-slstance sub-slstance the great class of wage-earners receive only the same. "The essence of slavery is the being deprived of a fair proportion 'of production pro-duction created. But the crowning argument for the present system has always been that a man can rise out of It to a higher station. This is the pitiable hope held out to a wage-earner. If he be exceptionally able and Industrious In-dustrious he may rise to be himself a lord and a toastmaster over his less fortunate brethren. Thus is treason to humanity dignilled. "Many laud their particular party, but when a man confesses to belong to any party whose chief aim 'Is Industrial Indus-trial betterment he Is laughed at, or thought he were a fool, or a crook; If. indeed, he be not regarded as a knave, and a. would-be criminal. It Is time that the nobility and seriousness of the political aspect of labor's problems be recognized." Besides the fault Is with the system, sys-tem, not with the individual. The men who have profited by the system are not the greatest of knaves by any means, most of those who have not profited by the system would be willing to profit by it If they had the chance! It is a good thing that the majority are not prollted by this system for 1C they were there would Indeed be little hope of Justice- for the oppressed minority. But fdnca the vast majority are sufferers suf-ferers by the present Iniquitous Industrial In-dustrial sys-tem there may' well be hope that a day not very far away will see tjic death of this unjust state of affairs! af-fairs! "The ballot is given to us. If there is any Inheritance from the pa.s-t, or any shaping of history for the future, the less-on brought lo us today is that the coming contest must be written on ballots and not In blood. "Those who are to be benefitted by a change In Industrial conditions must stand firmly and unrelentingly for the purity of the ballot." |
