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Show Why the Strong Men in the Republican Party, the Men of Deep Convictions, Have Drawn Away From the Present-Day Leadership and Have Declared For the Progressive 1 Aaea--Furposes of the Newer Movement Outlined by John Franklin Fort, Former Governor of New Jersey Well-Defined Control of Corporations, More Equitable jl -taxation and Downward Revision of the Tariff Strongly Urged Brief Review of the History of the Republican Party What the Progressives Aim to Accomplish M By JOHN FRANKLIN FORT ' Former Govornor of 'he State of New Jersey. fl The voters of tho United States are the most intelligent and dlscriminat- ing constituency in any nation. This was shown In the greenback and3 free JT silver campaigns. ' It will bo repeated in 1912 in tho campaign for progress and civic advance. Th0 average voter Js about thirty-five thirty-five years of age possibly a little younger. Theso mitlde-aged men of tho .natioa have grown to manhood and maturo citizenship, under political politi-cal conditions and educational facilities, facili-ties, which have molded their views upon public questions until they are now fixed along definite lines. Their i vJows all tend toward popular rights ; and an extension of democracy in I government. I Tho averago citizen today reads I I more and is of a far greater intellect-It intellect-It ual freo than tho averago citizen of II lorty. or even twenty-five, years ago. ll Tho growth of our public school sys-II sys-II tern In the lust twenty years has been remarkable, and it has greatly 1 strengthened tho body of voters of tho II country in their freedom of action and 11 independence. Hi Tho boss system, where it has been H) already killed and vhcro it will b0 Hj killed hereafter, has been and can bo I destroyed, only because of the iulcl-j iulcl-j -, ligence and independence of theso Wv. voters To win in our day It is ncc- I essary for tho candidato to meet pub-! pub-! lie approval and for the principles for ft which he stands to be clearly defined. It is from this Intelligent, inde- pendent citizenship that tho modern K Progressive Republican comes. Ho is R against boss rulo. He is against all ' kinds of secret conferences and poll-M poll-M tlcal scheming. Ho favors the open . . primary that all the people may voice H. their preference on every party nom-M nom-M ince. Ho is neither a populist nor m popuhstic he Is simply for a govern- 1 H ment where tho people rule, not only ! V" in name but in fact. j IjH'J The Progressives Here to Stay. I Ht , , Pr0SJesivo is in the public life I IJM J of the nation to suiy until better poli-Kl poli-Kl tlcal conditions exist and the political 1 t boss is eliminated. Ho is against ' V money in politics and graft In every ' H form, .and he is in favor of efficiencv Bk . in public office without regard to . whether tho rcan Is a Republican or y Democrat. Jn a word he is a con-m con-m serving force for good. The Progress-jr Progress-jr Ive is found in both the old political mjk parties, and if ho falls fully to control m either ho will quite surely be found in 1 j neither but uniting in a partv of his m own. Hf Th0 Republican partv is facing a H great danger. Tliat it Isr is not onlv H ! unfortunate, but is absolutely pitiable B when we contemplate what this great 1 party has been and should now be. H. 1 That this great party, founded on the H advocacy of greater freedom and tho ' H demand for the prevention of tho ex- By1 tension of slavery, and under whose I Hj 1 decree four million persons were sot H free. should now be a parly dominat- j 'Mi ed bv reactionary leadership is not 1 !Uf onb' revolting to ono's patriotism, but ' B ic actually pathetic. !M The men In tho Republican party fl called "Progressives" love tho old iKi party and all its great principles and M cherish the memory of Lincoln, Sum- iB' uer. Seward, Thaddeus Stevens and m the others, who made that party great, Hr with a devotion as sincere and earnest aH. as they detest the dominance of the H party today by tho personal Interests H of a few selfish men who sit in the H seats of those mighty champions of H the people H The chief objection to tho present- H dav leadership Is that it seems to aim H for power and the enrichment of tho h few individuals who furnish tho mon- ey that makes tho boss system possible HI '; in nation and state, Tho Progress- 9 ' ,ves bave gone as far under this lead- cr8hlp as they will go without offoel-'IKj offoel-'IKj Ive protest. They will support for ., nomination in 1912 no man for president presi-dent about whose vigorous and unyielding un-yielding opposition to such leadership and such men there Is the least suspicion. sus-picion. They will stand for no platform plat-form that docs not ring clear for the overthrow of this dominance and for the giving to tho people of ovcr right which will place tho government in their hands. One hundred and thirty-flvo years of applied republicanism in government, govern-ment, this country, has established conclusively tho capacity of tho peo-plo peo-plo to rulo this nation and safely to tako all power of nominating and electing public officials in their own hands. The reason which caused Hamilton and other in tho convention in, 1787 to hesitate to place all power over all officials in tho hands of the peoplo no longer exists. Any sugges-t sugges-t lions, then made, for checksand bal-1 bal-1 ances to protect against tho alleged pos6lblo dangers In a pure democracy, democ-racy, havo-been overcome by a century cen-tury and a qunrter of popular educa- J tion and a wise use of the elective franchise on the part of the people in every emergency that has arisen which has tested its exercise. Time "as ucmonstratcd that the peoplo arc in most cases safer than their legislators. legis-lators. Senate Thwarts Popular Will. The selection of United States senators sen-ators b$ tho legislatures has resulted result-ed in great corruption and most of the corporate evils which exist today. Tho people believe that the Senate has not only not been responsive respon-sive to tho popular will, but that it has, In fact, been hostile to that will. It has been the bulwark of every great special privilege and the j boss system. It has wrongly withhold with-hold from the people laws which they felt people should by right have had. No act in the public interest for tho curtailment of corporate wrong or the destruction of wrongful monopoly in . trade has passed the Senate save only after vigorous executive action nnd most earnest popular demands. The defenders of the express companies, com-panies, which plunder the peoplo by , excessive charges through contract combination with the common carriers are able in this body to check the popular almost universal demand for a parcels post. Their presidents have sat in the Senate. ! The cry for tariff reduction, on lines which will reduce the cost of articles of clothing, and other absolute abso-lute necessities, for the men and women wo-men of moderate means, is met by permitting the writing of the cotton schedule by a senator who controls tho largest cotton manufacturing Industry In-dustry In the country. The great speech of Senator DollJ-ver DollJ-ver delivered at the end of the debate on the Panyc-Aldrich tariff bill (which bill has almost ruined the Republican Re-publican party should be read by every American to get an exact idea of existing conditions in the Senate, and as an exhibit of what Progressive Republicans believe and would do along these lines. The reactionaries of the Senate stand in the way of a practically unanimous public sentiment for the submission of a constitutional amendment, amend-ment, permitting the election of United Unit-ed States senators by a direct voto of the people. If the people are competent com-petent to select a governor for their state, why, pray, are they not fitted to select a United States senator to represent them9 Surely they could niako no greater mistake than some legislatures have done. There have been many men In the Senate who would novcr have been there if they had been required to secure an election elec-tion from tho people. Tho Progressive Republican movement move-ment Is as important for tho life of the industrial world as the anti-slavery anti-slavery movement was for the overthrow over-throw of slavery. There were some extremists then and there are some now, but tho average Progressive leader today believes In progress without the destruction of anything that Is of essential value. Present uncertainty and discontent in business conditions must be met. No one seems to havo a clear solution of the problem It Is not only a question ques-tion of what is called "Big Business" but it Is one of all business large or small. It will take lime to solve It right. The country had hoped that the administration ad-ministration now in office at "Washington, "Wash-ington, which was placed there under progressive conditions, would solve these problems by continuing to carry out tho policies of Mr. Roosevelt and the Progressive Republicans who had, as they supposed, defeated the reactionaries reac-tionaries in tho National Republican "convention of 190S. The peoplo now' realize that the only way theso policies pol-icies have been carried out is on a stretcher. Progressive Republicanism cannot bo downed through the treachery tP Its cause of those It elevates to office of-fice under tho belief that they will stand for its principles. Nor will do- I feat mako any difference to Its cohorts. co-horts. It will continue as a force and strive to save the nation from self-seeking self-seeking and designing men until Ideal and exact justice shall prevail. Our fathers implanted religious liberty lib-erty In the constitution or 17S7. Their sons decreed political liberty In tho Fifteenth Amendment to that Instrument, Instru-ment, and the ono remaining task fnn lie ic fn trinL'ffc liifeinncc f roo in n word , establish industrial liberty. Every man must have an equal chance. It Is this for which Progressive Republicanism Repub-licanism stands. Tho prime requisites requis-ites to achieve this end aro tho following: fol-lowing: 1 The overthrow of political corruption, cor-ruption, by preventing the use of money mon-ey at elections. 2 A general and irrevocable rule for appointment to office through civil civ-il service only: thus destroying tho use of patronage as a political lover. 3 By requiring a popular vote for the nomination of all olficials who are made elective of primaries conducted under strict legal regulations by and at tho expense of the state. 4 Require that every man who is legally qualified and not physically or otherwiso disabled shall vote or pay some penalty. No republic can succeed without the lively interest of all the people. It is their lack of interest which makes tho boss system possible and their attention at-tention to their duties will as surely destroy it. The old political method, on which the boss system has thrived, thriv-ed, found its greatest political asset In the attendance at the primary of only a few voters, most of whom woro the' henchmen of the boss. Progressive Progres-sive Kepublicanlsm demands that all this shall go and that our government govern-ment shall be bed-rocked on all tho people not on the few. Few Fortunes Honestly Made. The growth of colossal fortunes in the. past few" years In the United Slates has astounded the world and surpassed anything known to recorded record-ed times. Such a thing probably will never be possible again, but no room should be left for doubt upon that question. Few, if any, of the great fortunes of our day have grown through accretions from a legjtimate business profit, but they have come as the result of prevalent conditions largely due to corporation legislation legisla-tion in many states. Those kind of wealth-getting days, which Roscoe Conkllng would have described as "halcyon and vociferous," have passed. Tho people will no longer long-er submit quietly to the capitalization capitaliza-tion of franchises and other ethereal values. The days of the bonding of the future are over. Whoever earns money hereafter must show how he earned it and only value for value be capitalized. The Progressive stands for tho repeal re-peal of acts authorizing holding companies, com-panies, or statutes for the merger of corporations, that enormous fortunes may be mado by capitalizing air and future adventitious values. Tho trust only exists by virtue of tho operation 01 such statutes. If a proper department depart-ment or board or commission were required re-quired to approve all values and certify cer-tify the amount of permissible capital stock Issue boforc it could be made, It would solve tho problem Nothing so Incenses our people as the way in which capitalization of trusts has built up corporate and individual in-dividual wealth. The people of this republic do not covet any man's wealth, or power, or influence, if ho gets it honestly. No one, as yet, has formulated a full remedy for existing exist-ing conditions. It is not easy. It Tiiust bo found without destroying legitimate le-gitimate present vested interests, while, guaranteeing equality or opportunity oppor-tunity In the future The remedy for such conditions Is In the legislative department of government. Jt was always al-ways subject to legislative control at common law and still is under our constitutional form of government. It should not he difficult to doflno by statute what cannot bo done. The Standard Oil and Tobacco decisions de-cisions should furnish material to make for wise restrictive legislation. The Sherman man law should not bc-rcpealcd. bc-rcpealcd. That Is a cJean-cut act, as to restraint of trade, and simply declaratory of tho common law. Let it stand, but strengthen It by defining what may not bejtlono under It ThA. stand-palter doesj not want to do anything. I Definite Controlof Trusts Urged. Tho Progressive wishes to add legislation leg-islation which will make clear what is, and what is not, .reasonable restraint re-straint of trade. leaving each case to a court to determine Is both Im- liruciiiiLi ill lu uiniiau. .uuueiii cuiiui- tions of business aro as divorgent as tho poles from the conditions existing exist-ing at the time the doctrino of restraint re-straint of trade established by the common law Congressional legislation, as to interstate in-terstate corporate business, must establish es-tablish the superiority of the government govern-ment over the trusts,'' not by the disorganization dis-organization or destruction of business, busi-ness, but by increasing the powers or government pver such business and removing everything' in the nature of a monopoly, or special privilege, now enjoyed. Everyone should know, through carefully defined statutory enactments, enact-ments, those practices which Congress Con-gress thinks unfair, monopolistic, or illegal, without waiting for tho outcome out-come of a prolonged suit at law. The statute should also declare that the burden of proof is upon the corporation corpo-ration which attempts by combination combina-tion or agreement to control business, to show that the action taken is not in restraint of trade. The decisions of the Supremo court of the United States In the Standnrd Oil and Tobacco cases have made It clear that tho following, among other things, shOHld be forbidden by law: 1 Selling below cost in certain areas, while maintaining higher prices in other sections for the purposo of destroying competition. 2 Refusing to sell goods to any person who also Vndes with a business busi-ness rival. Lfe Jt . 3 Obtaining by improper or corrupt cor-rupt means any confidential information informa-tion as to a competitor's business or customers. 4 Combinations or agreements to fix prices or divide territory. 5 Tho monopoly of natural resources re-sources to keep out competitors. And In addition to these prohibitions, prohibi-tions, there should be given to any person injured tho right to maintain suit to recover damages by simple procedure against any corporation offending against any prohibition of tho statute to the '-injury of the trade of any other preson- The statute should also clearly confer con-fer upon tho Inter-state Commerce Commission power to fix railway, tele-, graph and telephone rates and to mako valuations of the physical property of such companies that a basis may be established for making such rates. People Favor Gcvornment Ownership. Whethor wo wish It or not, tho fact Is that tho trend of public sentiment senti-ment Is steadily advancing toward government ownership of all municipal munici-pal serving companies. Tho water, gas and electric supply of every municipality should be owned by the municipality. ' That tho street railway service should be also so owned Is generally felt to be tho sentiment of the people. peo-ple. They feel that tho net revenue from the operation of such utilities should go into the municipal treasury for tho roductlon of taxation and not into private pockets. How soon public opinion may veer to government ownership of telephone, tele-phone, telegraph, or railway property, no one can predict, nor can any one toll how soon the private owners of these utilities may wish to put them over upon the state. They certainly will try to do so If they think such actioii Is of advantage to them. Postmaster General Hitchcock has recommended the tnklng over and operation by the government, in connection con-nection with tho postal service, of the telegraph linos of the country. This iu an important proposition. It works I well In other" nations and would put telegraph facilities much more conveniently con-veniently and extensively throughout tho whole country. It is tho simplest sim-plest thing possible to operate it In connection with the postofrices. On the same line Is the parcels post. The express companies have been flcecjng the people for years, by' excessive charges and bad sorvfee. The delivery of small package matter through the carrier and rural sorvico would bo or great advantage to the people. It is in all the postal systems sys-tems of Europe and the Orient. Why not In tho United States? Should not the Congress nnd the Ht.-itp lncisl.ihiros nronnnd. sneodilv. to secure physical valuations of all such properties, that some accurate, disinterested dis-interested estimate thereof may be always at hand? The people of the country favor an Income tax. They know that burdens of taxation are not equal. The small holdings of the men with little property prop-erty all are found and marshaled by tho tax assessor. Not so of the men of large means. When we contemplate contem-plate that 85 per cent of all the real and personal property of tho country is held by three thousand Individuals, it is made perfectly apparent that taxation Is not even or its burdens equal. The man of large wealth does not pay his share. A graduated income in-come tax is tho most equitable tax' possible. Tho nation as well as the stato should havo power to levy It, and both should do it. All exemptions from taxation, except ex-cept churches and charities, should bo abolished and drastic methods provided pro-vided for reaching all property. If this wero attained the rate of taxation taxa-tion would be reasonable and its burdens bur-dens be equalized. Then rich and poor alike would pay tholr Just share of tho cost of maintaining the government. govern-ment. This is not so now. The preservation of the right of the local independent business dealer to carry on business, and to hae taxation tax-ation equally levied, is essential to tho prosperity of tho citizen in each community com-munity and to the perpetuity of self-government self-government and freedom of trade relations. re-lations. Tho greater the number of Independent business men tho greater is the self-respect and love of country coun-try In the citizen. Whatever builds up and tends to the independence of tho citizen and the equitable distribution distribu-tion of tax burdens strengthens the republic. Downward Revision Imperative. On the tariff the Progressive is for a law thnt shall carry out in letter and spirit tho platform of the Republican Repub-lican national convention of 190S. There Is not a sane man In the United States who believes that the Payne-Aldrich Payne-Aldrich act does thist That platform said: "Tho Republican parly declares unequivocally for a revision of the tariff by a special session of congress immediately following the inauguration of the next president pres-ident and commends the steps already al-ready taUon to this end in tho work assigned to the appropriate committees of congress which are now Investigating the operation and ofrect of existing schedules. "In all tariff legislation tho principle of protection is best maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal the difference dif-ference between the cost of production pro-duction at home and abroad, together to-gether with a reasonable profit to American Industries." The special session was called and the most objectionable tariff of Republican Re-publican hlEtory was the outcome. Tho platform, quoted above, refers to the I vrork the committees of tho house were then engaged In doing That work was all downward revision. The "M J' .. L.. . ! I I Ml '.m Payne bill, as It passed the house, and before it was "Juggled'' by the senate and conference committee, was a downward revision on practically all lines. As It finally passed it was an increase on some lines of as high as 100 per cent. Particularly is this true as to items in Schedule K, which covers tho cheaper grades or cotton goods and kindred articles necessary for tho use of those of modorato means. After tho people had olected tho Republican president, it was at once asserted that while tho platform declaration was for a" revision, it did not declare for a downward revision. Truo ll is. thai the word "downward" is not In the text. Rut it is equally true that yv-eryspeakcr. yv-eryspeakcr. on the stump and tho candidates can-didates themselves led the people to believe in the campaign that jt was to be a downward revision that was to bo mndo. Either we meant that or wo intended to deceive Thnt tho vast body ot Republicans in the nation 1 meant the latter, no one believes. If ' we did, wo do not desorvo ever to be intrusted with power again. It is foolish to make such a contention, for Wrt lirl ninnn A nnn t i-fl n m ,1 mtw "vy urn iiiv,i.i. iiuuiniuiu( Ultlj Ul; man who voted tho Republican ticket so understood It. That we failed to do it Is also unquestioned; and that wo did 'so fail cannot be charged to tho Progressive Republicans In congress. con-gress. On that question Sonator Dol-. liver's great speech truly voiced the sentiments of the Republicans of the nation. Protection Not Sacrificed. The "Progressives still stand where the party stood in 190S and still favor fa-vor a downward revision based on tho "difference between the cost of production at home and abroad with a reasonable profit to American industries." in-dustries." We wore committed to that and are still so committed, and for that kind of revision we still stand. In our failure to enact such a tariff we made a great mistake and have risked the probability of the American Ameri-can people resenting our failure and, as a result, electing a Democratic congress con-gress nnd president who may enact a law based on '"a tariff for revenue only." If that shall, unfortunately, happen, the standpatter will be alone to blame. Tho Progressive wishes to maintain tho principle of protection to Ameri can industries and agriculture In the Interest of the laborer, the manufacturer manufac-turer and the farmer. He does not wish to destroy any Industry or re ducc tho wages of any man; he only desires to cheapen the necessities of life while preserving wages and a reasonable return on capital,. That Is what theAmerican peoplchad the right to expect from the special session ses-sion of congress In 1909. That is what will come if a Progressive is elected president In 1912. Stated In a sentence, Progressive Republicanism stands for "a tariff re.-vision re.-vision so adjusted as to secure equal taxation on all the people and equal benefit for nil the people, not taxation of the many for the benefit of special interests." The great fundamental ot Progressive Progres-sive Republicanism is the prorhotlon of human welfare. Proporty rights, of course, must bo regarded and conserved. con-served. Practically all legislation has been directed to this end In the past. The demand of the hour Is for legislation that will conserve man as the prime factor in government. Wo need to follow leadership that conserves tho individual, the wage-earner wage-earner and citizen. Legislation that touches the hours of labor, the domestic do-mestic life, the cost of living, ihe mental, moral and physical uplift of the child and the wages of labor Is the prime need of the times. The j strong man. armed, Is nblc to take caro of himself. Cspital Needs No Guardian. Capital needs no guardian: It is the man who is unable to breast adverse conditions, the home and child unable to defend Itsolf, that need legislative protection. The statesmanship which has stood for and extended the rights and power of property and of great wealth, and disregarded that of humanity hu-manity Is the statesmanship which the American people aro now deter- I mined shall no longer be the so'oj aim ot government The public ben- ll timent of today demands laws and '1 their administration in the interest of 1 H human rights a-nd equal opportunity , H in the race of life. j H The peoplo are calling for laws that ' H will givo them cheaper and purer food, H and fully protected machinery in far- H torics. They do not care longer for declarations, by their president, for the "Grand Old Parly, standing by tho H constitution, standing by the rights of liberty nnd property of tho Individ- ijH ual nnd willing to face defeat many H times in behalf of the cause of sound constitutional government" They love the constitution .and if i(s pros- jH crvation shall becomo necessary thoy H will be the ones to bare their breasts to the bullets of any enemy, domcstlo or foreign, to. preserve St. They aro Tiot worried about their liberty or jH property. What they are now con- H corned most about Is their domestic IH wellrbelng under legislation adopted il in conformity with that constitution; lH about presidents and legislators who liH will at all times have them and their IH manhood - interests always befora lll them; officials who will on all ques- IH liuii ubH, in me iirsi instance, now iiUH , will this net, If passed, affect the iH rights or the people? The wagos of H labor? The comforts and economical interests of the home? The better jH condition and living of man? The human machine must, hcreaf- tcr, first be considered before the me- H Lghonical applinnce. It Is the faith H that no legislation is wise that does H not first and foremost aid humanity H which animates the Progressive. IH "Between that principle and the elc- H vatlon of property above humanity H there is an irrepressible conflict In H our day as de'ep and as wide as tho H sea. It will not down. It cannot H down without the destruction of this H republic. It is that fight which is H now on between the Progressive and H the reactionary standpatter. The line H is clean cut. H Republican Party on Trial. H Tho Republican parly must be all H one thing or the other. It Is cvolu- H tion and prosperity along these lines, H or revolution and ulirmate destruction H along tho other lines. Thero has ncv- H or been an issue fraught with such H momentous consequences since that H of human slavery engrossed the na- H tlo'n. It would be an insult to the In- H tclllgence of our citizonshlp to doubt H tho final outcome. If it does not sue- H cccd In one party it will in another. H It is my earnest hope that it may. H come through tho Republican parti'." H And I believe it will. It has already H swept everything before it in Call- H fornia. Oregon and Washington on the H Pacific coast. It is rolling over tho H prairies of Nebraska and the Dalco- H tns; It has redeemed the state of New . Hampshire lu -the .cast; It is becom- IH Ing a potential force in Missouri, 1111- H nois and Michigan in the great mid- H die west; it is rinding Its footing H throughout the republic. H The demand for the elevation of IH manhood is everywhere. It is cyclon- H ic. It will scon write into the gov- H ernmental policies of the nation all H that Progressive Republicanism stuinlK IH for. May the dawn of this kind of jH individual, Industrial and domestic H human freedom come quickly. IH In this article there has been no H discussion of tho initiative, refcren- H dum and recall; they arc but method;. jH They may and the may not becomo H necessary. Time and results will de- H tenr.ine. If to solve tho, great human H problem they shall becomo essential IH the people will employ then; as thoy H havo to rid themselves of l':c corrupt H conditions In California: but just at H this time in the great 11atnr.nl fiht, H now on. they may be loft "titll we see H whether tho pconlc can safeguard h 1- H man rights aud interests without H One thing, however, is sure, ihe H people mean to have their rights In H legislation, of which they are now do- H spoiled by existing legislative proco- H dure, if they can; by other lcgislati.o H methods if they must. H In a republic the popular will is, H In the end. sure to obtain its demands ll There will be no exception In tho lll trend or history in the Twentieth cen- H turv. And, surely, not in this, tho il greatest Tree government the world -1 ,H has ever known, iH I IH |