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Show Violent protest-last protest-last resort to insure justice Listening to the wind Maxwell Taylor told a university univer-sity class earlier in the quarter of J need we have to learn from oUr experience in Vietnam. . . especially from our mistakes, perhaps a similar look backwards would be in order for the anti-war protest movements that have Hired so prominently in the his--lory of the Vietnam war. This evaluation is especially appropriate in view of the spreading spread-ing attempts to degrade acts of protest and give to them an altogether al-together negative judgement. One such criticism is that mass protest ieveal a national disunity that serves only to encourage and booster the efforts of the enemy. But while there is some merit to tliis point, it is too often forgetten that Vietnam is now generally considered an American faux pas, and that were it not for mass objections coming from its citizens, citi-zens, America's involvement may have lasted far longer and been far costlier than it already has. In looking back, then, it seems fair to suggest that anti-Vietnam protesting has abetted our own efforts much more than it has the enemy's. Another accomplishment for protestors is that they can list themselves among that elite and select group of forces that has succeeded in budging the un-budgeable, un-budgeable, the Silent Majority of American "citizens". Only rarely does the sheep ever question his leader. Another lesson is learned when (lie conflict between protestor and anti-protestor is analyzed. Spiro Agnew, the epitome of the anti-demonstration movement, has been castigated for fanning the fires of tension throughout the country. This he denies. He denies it by asserting his right to call his critics to task. But the Vice President attacks people, not ideas. As soon as we attack people, peo-ple, though, all benefit from inter-party criticism is lost. What is left is childish, destructive and inflammatory. If open criticism is to retain its inherent effectiveness, we must learn to speak to issues not to people. Our loquacious Vice President seems to have for-gotten for-gotten this principle. But perhaps more sobering than any of these lessons is the one which calls attention to the fight for survival. The threat of death would make anyone take a second, sec-ond, hard look at what he is called to risk his life for. Contrary to WW I and WW II, Vietnam has not conjured up patriotic images of sacrifice for a good and noble cause. Today's youth feel no real need to risk their lives in Vietnam and they have defiantly proclaimed proclaim-ed their choice not to do so. In some cases, young men would rather risk their lives in violent efforts to end the Vietnam war than they would in actual combat in the war itself; they would at least be dying for a tangible cause, even if it was tangible only to themselves. But, then, dying for your own cause is still better than dying for a cause that you don't believe in. But on the other side of the issue, we have learned that protest looses its effect when it is used too often, too casually, at the wrong time or for the wrong cause. Radicals have learned of the backlash they can receive from the silent majority, when the sensitive right to protest is misused. mis-used. If nothing else, though, it is hoped that the conservative element ele-ment has learned that "protest" is a constitutionally legitimate way of expressing social fervor, and that the radical element has learned learn-ed that "violent protest" has one, and only one, designed use: A last resort means of insuring justice. |
