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Show Page Two FRIDAY ,MARCH 25, I960 THE SALT LAKE TIMES 1 RkU tke JleaJLe The ten nation East-We- st dis-armament conference in Geneva drones on and on, and excites about as much nationwide inter-est as the U.S. Senate civil rights filibuster. There is much more widespread interest in both of these proceed-ings than is generally presumed. Even more can be expected when ever the Senate or the Geneva conferees free themselves from negativism and a dull routine lack of accomplishment. But still, if congressional mail, pub-lic opinion polls and letters to the editor across the country are any indications, we are a long way from seeing any great, gen-eral interest in either proceed-ing. This should not be, of course, but is a fact, nonetheless. The clash between human rights and the democratic right to vote on the one hand and States Rights on the other is clearly involved in the Senate debate, and the out come is clearly in our own hands. The Geneva disarmament or arms controls talks are some-thing else again. The fate of the world, the danger of a devastating World War III and the crushing burden of armaments hang on the out- - posed following the "Spirit of Camp1 David" Khrushchev visit to the U.S. And now, while the U. S. continues to spend at a record high level for peacetime, inflationary weapons costs, the multiplicity of demands for new research, space age weapons de-velopment and a slackening of effort by our Allies have, in ef-fect, scaled down the Free World arms spending again. Nonetheless, Americans are nothing if they are not optimistic and persevering. So we are at Geneva again, and again seeking workable, effective, safeguarded disarmament agreement with the Communist world. If there are reasons to suspect that the Soviets are again taking the Free World on a familiar merry-go-roun- d at Geneva there are also some to hope that this time Khrushchev may be more serious if not sincere about arms reductions. It's believed he wants to lull the West to sleep, remove the arms spending "crutch" from its economies, divert great sums on arms to the Soviet economy wage the Cold War more economically than militarily, since even Mos-cow believes A-te- st fallout is mutually harmful and that no come. But near impossible agree-ment with the Soviets must first be reached, then with the Red Chinese. At home as well as abroad, which doubtless includes Russia too, there have been mixed attitudes of hope and cau-tion, of suspicion and of open opposition to disarmament. For the most part, the world has been successfully painting the United States as the villain prolonging the Cold War in the disarmament discussions. The chief reason the U.S. admittedly has failed to make propaganda hay during the arms deliberation is that we are much more dili-gently seeking realistic, safe-guarded arms controls. Something many Americans and much of the world forgets is that the U. S. has disarmed or scaled down its armaments re-peatedly since the Second World War without demanding Soviet guarantees, only to regret it. We demobilized one of the world's greatest land, sea and air forces immediately after the Second World War ended in '45, while the Communist girded for the Cold War. We further scaled down U.S. military spending following the Red seizure of Czechoslovakia, only to have the first Berlin blockade and the Greek-Turkis- h crisis occur. Immediately after those had ended, we demobilized unilaterally again, disbanded a strengthened military machine, and engaged in such military - budget cutting as left us almost - unprepared for the Korean war in 1950. When that ended in 1953 a new wave of American unilateral disarmament began, until the first Formosan crisis and the Indo-Chine- se war scare. Still, the U. S. was tempted at the jiir (Efsehhower-Eden-Bu- l- C - s,CJn) summit conference in Tveneva in 1955 to make further arms cut backs, unilaterally and without East West inspection guarantees in the spirit of peace-ful coexistence. These left us un-prepared for the Suez-Israel- i, Hungarian and second Formosan crises. But when these ended, mode moderate arms budget cuts were made when the Soviet's Sputniks were launched and the Labanon-Ira-q crisis developed. Further moderate cuts, but cutbacks nevertheless, were pro- - : side could win another war. Some also believe Mocow really wants arms control to include Red China to place global re-straints on her truculent ally, or that Khrushchev seeks to freeze the world weapons status quo while he feels militarily superior at least in missiles. The point is that now there are real reasons why Moscow might want an arms agreement which must be weighed in con-sidering hopes for even limited controls. And there is also great pressure on the U.S. to relax its arms inspection demands a lot if Moscow gives in a bit or "shows, good faith." Despite dis-cord, setbacks and Soviet Nyets at Geneva, hopes for a limited arms reduction have been high. This is also my the U.S. Senate is about to begin a new study of the effect of whatever disarma-ment may come at Geneva or in the summit talks, on the U. S. economy. A questionnaire is about to be sent to U. S. defense industries by the Senate Disarmament Sub-committee, headed by Senator Hubert Humphrey to determine possible effects of even slight arms cutbacks on U.S. industry, and industry's plans for meeting military spending, cutbacks and resulting unemployment. The quiz has bipartisan support. The Pentagon and Congress have just reported that a huge $33 billion a year is spent in the U. S. by Pentagon on defense contracts and payrolls. A cut-back of as "little" as $3 billion could cause severe even if only temporary joblessness and dis-locations. It is no use to say that U. S. prosperity is not dependent on arms spending. Deep if tempo-rary U. S. unemployment has al-ways quickly followed U.S. arms cuts after the Second World War Korean War and "Coexistence summitry." Disarmament or new arms re-ductions agreements may not be reached at Geneva or the sum-mit. But if by a miracle some progress is made, there are many who say that we should not wait until too late to plan for its eco-nomic effects. A rich man is nothing but a poor man with money. W. C. Fields. Miscellaneous Notices WILLIAM L. REECE, NORMAN S. RYMER and VELMA S. RYMER, Defendants. The State of Utah to the Above Named Defendants: You are hereby summoned and required to serve upon the firm of Cranmer, McGarry & Lund, plaintiff's attorneys, whose ad-dress is 1102 Walker Bank Build-ing, Salt Lake City, Utah, an answer to the complaint within 20 days after service of this sum-mons upon you. If you fail so to do, judgment by default will be taken against you for the relief demanded in said complaint, herewith served upon you. This is an action to cancel and terminate a Uniform Real Estate Contract, dated May 1, 1959. Dated this 1st day of March, i960. CRANMER, McGARRY & LUND By Sheridan L. McGarry Attorneys for Plaintiff 1102 Walker Bank Bldg. Salt Lake City, Utah Plaintiff's Address P. O. Box 314 Kanab, Utah (3-1- 1 4-- 1) SUMMONS Civil No, 124555 Third Judical District Court in and for Salt Lake County, State of Utah MAXINE CURTIS, Plaintiff, vs. NOTICE Notice is hereby given that a certain Chattel Mortgage dated July 2, 1959, and filed in the office of the Utah State Tax Commission at the State Capitol Building, Salt Lake City, Utah, and wherein Lila C. Hughes is mortgagor and the Continental Bank and Trust Company is the mortgagee. The unpaid balance thereof and the amount claimed to be due at this time is $994.82 and covering the following de-scribed property: 1955 Buick Riveria, Motor No. V8 902736, Serial No. 6B 4021270 will be foreclosed by sale at public auc-tion at 2:00 P.M. on April 5, 1960, at the Broadway Garage, 50 West 3rd South, City. Dated March 22, 1960. THE CONTINENTAL BANK AND TRUST COMPANY OF SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH. R. T. FLEISCH Assistant Cashier (3-2- 5 4-- 1) rp:rzi INGROWN NAIL I fflHURTING YOU? "WSl Immediate yiF I Relief! 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