OCR Text |
Show x 0"mJ yirry ggs1"-' ', Liberal Ground Swell ' Sweeping Over Europe Underground Coalesces Democratic Groups 1 In Fight for Popular Government; I Look to 'Big Three.' ' I By BAUKIIAGE New Analyst and Commentator WNU Service, Union Trust Building Washington, I). C. As the New Year approaches, Washington is preparing to experience experi-ence the results of two titanic struggles strug-gles which will chart the course followed fol-lowed by this nation and the world In the decades ahead. One contest will be witnessed on the floors of congress. The other in some unnamed spot where President Presi-dent Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, Marshal Stalin and perhaps per-haps General De Gaulle will sit down and try to agree on details of the framework of an international organization or-ganization for the maintenance of pence. The election was supposed to have settled the old issue of "isolationism "isola-tionism versus internationalism" but those terms were far too indefinite to delimit any lasting decisions and since November our allies have been strewing land-mines of doubt along the way, causing many cases of non-interventionist jitters in congress. con-gress. There will be debate in the senate flavored with remarks, the tenor of those which criticized the British course in Greece. As to the battle behind closed doors, you can imagine that the American viewpoint will need all the support the President can rally behind it, to overcome the tendency of Messrs. Churchill, Stalin and De Gaulle to fall into all the old bad habits of their happy power politics days. In order to understand the differences differ-ences which have already arisen between be-tween those who support British armed Intervention in Greece and those who support the state department's depart-ment's action in protesting against It, it is necessary to take a look behind be-hind the scenes and see what these forces are which are bound to shape the new governments of Europe Eu-rope as they are re-born after the period' of democratic hibernation during Nazi-Fascist occupation or control. V. S. Favors Self Rule In the first place, there is a powerful, pow-erful, liberal-oriented ground swell to be discerned everywhere if we look for it. It is the belief that, eventually, even-tually, this force will dominate, which has prompted the American I "hands-off" policy. Uncle Sam merely says: "Let lx people of the various countries choose the form of government they want. Those who want democracy enough will get it if there is no outside interference." That is one thing to bear in mind. Another is that this ground swell, as I call it, is the result of many different dif-ferent factors not merely hunger hun-ger and discontent or faith and enlightenment; en-lightenment; not only inspiration or desperation, but aspiration as well, aspiration toward the natural historical his-torical and evolutionary goals of progress which are a part of man's eternal struggle for liberty. The reaction against Nazi tyranny and the successful resistance to German control in the form of the underground, generated certain forces toward freedom and independence. inde-pendence. The underground made Its own laws, gave opportunity for the coalescence and strengthening of all democratic movements. It was natural when the Germans were driven out that these forces refused re-fused to bow to representatives of any regime, no mattter how beneficent, benefi-cent, if it had about it even the slightest odor of sanctified feudalism. feudal-ism. It is necessary to get this premise firmly fixed in our minds or else fall into the error of writing off every ev-ery revolutionary movement as "communist," including some certainly cer-tainly no whit less virtuous than our own In 1776. It is well to study the France of today in this connection, and interesting inter-esting to note the comment which appeared in the French press at the time of the first revolts in Belgium and later in Greece where Allied support was given the government in power. The "Franc-Tireur," whose name indicates the "underground" flavor of its opinion, explains why, so far, France has had no such internal inter-nal trouble. "It has been our great good fortune," for-tune," it says, "to have a man to protect our honor and prepare the liberation, who had such character and personality that he is universally univer-sally accepted, acclaimed and followed fol-lowed by the entire nation as our leading member of the resistance." The last seven words are the Important ones "as our leading member of the resistance." In other words, De Gaulle was able to lead his fellow countrymen into liberation without chaos because he had the approval of the most active ac-tive and most militantly democratic democrat-ic elements of the underground. New Spirit In Greece Papandreou, premier of Greece during the revolt, with all his virtues, vir-tues, was no De Gaulle in that respect. re-spect. I was reliably informed that Papandreou had expressed firm anti-monarchic sentiments, that he is, as lie says, a democrat and a socialist, that he had a clean record rec-ord through the occupation. But and what a "but" there is, judged by such standards as I imagine "Franc-Tireur" would hold up Papandreou was. selected by the King with British consent. The motives mo-tives back of his election may have been honest enough and practical enough from the standpoint of the old order. Here was a man with a good record who, it would seem, could reconcile the royalists and the leftist's. But that formula itself violates the very principles of the new order, and when the left-wingers began to feel that the cabinet was monarchist and British-made, they withdrew and their followers refused to give up their weapons. All armed groups in Greece not absorbed officially by the army were ordered to turn in their arms. The police, of course, did not turn in their arms and they were the same police who had helped the prewar pre-war Metaxas dictatorship, and later the Germans, "keep order." The "sacred battalion," a group composed com-posed chiefly of former Greek officers offi-cers who fought bravely beside the Allies all through the African campaign cam-paign (and were charged with containing con-taining a strong monarchist element) ele-ment) was not disbanded but became a part of the army. Translate the above into terms of the French attitude and see how impossible acceptance of a Greek government such as that could be to groups thinking as the French resistance groups think. There is every reason to believe that the leftist movement in Greece and elsewhere in Europe, even where the majority of their leaders may be led by communists (as was not the case in Greece) is actually at heart a drive against tyranny and toward democracy. Here again it might be wise to examine some of the opinion expressed ex-pressed by Frenchmen now backing back-ing the De Gaulle provisional government gov-ernment which is a product of the forces similar to those operating in other liberated countries. The leading editorial in the December issue of "Free France," that attractive and informative magazine published in New York by the French provisional government, gives the reasons for the change of attitude toward the French communists com-munists as follows: 1. The French communist party joined the resistance movement and later gave its allegiance to De Gaulle's national committee. 2. The Comintern was dissolved. 3. The communists rendered invaluable in-valuable aid to the resistance movement. 4. The striking collaboration of all French patriots in the underground struggle removed many prejudices, including the suspicion of "communists "com-munists sans patrie" (a political group with loyalty to no fatherland). The editors of Free France cautiously cau-tiously state that it is too early to answer the important question: Have the French communists accepted ac-cepted democracy as it is understood under-stood by the western democracies? Nevertheless, they note for the record rec-ord that so far "the communists helped to draw up the National Resistance Re-sistance council program of March, 1944. tacitly accepting the democratic democrat-ic principle" and "the abolition of private property is not listed among the immediate demands of the communist com-munist party." |