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Show S THE CITIZEN iet. Russia thinks itself strong enough to defy the world. Then e and Trotzky, if they be in power, will break all contracts to Ut Yafj their objects. rnanit, Meantime they will entertain the hope that Bolshevist propa-Jnwill undermine governments everywhere and that there may annib need of a Russian army to accomplish the revolution. In this Vjthey probably will be disappointed. Bolshevism, however great ai:ti$ld upon the miserable Russian people, has not proved attractive an the rest 'of mankind. It has seemed to be the breeder of dirt, ,0Cseai(Se and destruction. It has the reputation of a criminal. e The allies hope that the soviet government may not be as evil itfappears and that it will conclude a just peace and adhere to it jthfully. If such should prove to be the case the whole world illhave reason for general felicitation. If the Bolsheviki are illing to let the rest of the world alone the rest of the world ought bj killing to let the Bolsheviki alone in working out the problem is nothing to us what kind of a vitesj atRussian government. It the Russians set up. If they want Bolshevism they ought the hive it. Of course, there are international obligations which all f papvrnments should meet and, from, that viewpoint, it does matter m ep us and to the world whether soviet Russia establishes a govern-ien- t with which the other nations may deal on a basis of civilization nilifcnd.Jionor. But so far as the internal machinery of the Russian is concerned that is none of our business. ;ge K ,.The allies can do no better than to enter into negotiations with govae Bolsheviki. At the worst they can resort once again to the t mirbitrament of war. If the sequel is more fortunate than there seems uinaiason to expect the gain will be Europes and the worlds. di gov-nme- nt gov-mme- nt uldi :j vismt. ds rt (In the increasingly familiar language of' the Red and the soviet a parley P. Christensen, candidate of the Farmer-Labparty for or m resident, gains publicity by repeating an exploded charge against arren G. Harding and by denouncing him as the candidate of Organized capital. He who but a few years ago sullenly said that the workingman aud hould be satisfied with a dollar a day and the farmer contented . yith a dollar a bushel for wheat, prates Parley, has become so irogressive as a candidate that he admits labor is entitled to a better m ick Ivage than that pt tci :Soon after the nomination of Senator Harding this slander began o circulate. It was instantly branded as a falsification.- Senator inc Warding stated that never had he made such a statement, but evi-c- y s. llently the ethics of radicalism docs not forbid the repetition of - false-hirciood- t jNo doubt it is the purpose of our distinguished fellow townsman dish'O' obtain as much entertainment out of the campaign as possible ir vind to contribute now and then to its comedy. He is in the happy to position of one who can be neither helped nor harmed by what he ry, assaiays. nice?; flf it were true that Senator Harding represented organized would not be fit to be a candidate for the presidency bc-- n because, in that case, he would be the representative of a class. So er, ;iar is lie from being the representative of a class that his entire campaign is founded on his demand for a return to constitutional govern-t ijnent. Our constitutional government was devised by its framers iii tiso as to give all classes fair representation. Under that constitution u v ivlass legislation always has been taboo. yt; The Red candidates words would not be worthy of comment ny did! they not offer an opportunity to point a moral of the highest do 'significance and importance. and Democratic j Christensen differs from both the Republican candidates in that lie represents a class and is an advocate of class rule. He is a devoted follower of Lcnine and Trotzky and subscribes to their belief that the workmen should run the government and l ies dominate all other classes after the fashion which prevails in Russia ivc nc which has made of that land a Pandemonium, h tf ' Organized capital and organized labor have a right to be repre ut capital he m 1 - ' sented in our government, but neither has a right to dominate the government. But it is the view of the I. W. W., the revolutionary socialists and the radical socialists, who presumably are the supporters of Mr. Christensen, that the proletariat should establish a dictator- ship and rule by the mailed fist. It is part of the doctrine of that class that an army is an infernal institution so long as it main- tains our government, but that it would be angelic if it could be used, as it is in Russia, to give one class dominion over all other classes. When our forefathers broke away from Great Britain it was to escape class dictatorship. In those days England was ruled by its aristocracy as, in large measure, it is even in our own times. The government was a dictatorship of the aristocracy. So profoundly did the framers of our government hate class rule that they adopted a constitution with the avowed purpose of creating a system of checks and balances that would prevent any class from ever becoming dominant. Down to our period it has served its pure class exerted such a comthe slaving-ownin- g pose. At manding influence that it seemed as if they would hold the nation in permanent subjection. The peril passed and next came that remarkable growth of capitalism which gave to the country an unparalleled prosperity and with it the peril of domination by a class. and regulation to check organized wealth After years of a new pow'er arose and gained immunity beyond anything ever asked for or gained, by capital. Organized labor began to dominate state legislatures, congress and finally the chief executive of the nation himself. Fortunately organized labor, which just now is using the lightnings of Jove with careless hands, does not agree with the Reds who would sovictize our government. Capital and labor believe in our constitution and our institutions. They are opposed to class dictatorships. That is why, even in a period When unrest is more pronounced than at any time since our government was founded Parley P. Christensen represents only a handful. The people trust their government and believe that the constitution will solve all the problems of our government and will, in the long run, make possible the solution of the profoundly perplexing industrial problems. 1 -- ' i . 1 one-tim- law-maki- ng i IN LINCOLNS DAY Once more Premier Lloyd George utters a plaintive appeal for American help to save Europe from itself. May I be permitted to say that this torn and bleeding earth is calling today for the help of the America of Abraham Lincolns day. America will fulfill every obligation it owes bleeding and blood-guilt- y Europe, but it will not sacrifice its independence to join an alliance for war. It will help as best it may to preserve the free nations established by the treaty of Versailles, but it will not permit a supreme council of nations to use American money, ships and men to maintain a policy of imperial plunder. It will, first of all, preserve American institutions for its own security and as an example to the world. It will help the world by remaining free. It will help the world by refusing to surrender its sovereignty. And if Abraham Lincoln were with us that is the counsel lie would give. It was the mission of Abraham Lincoln to save the Union of States. He became the leader of that party which stood for the indcstructablc sovereignty of the United States. After four years of war, when the south bravely assumed that it was unbeaten, the envoys of the Confederacy held conference with Lincoln and urged him to sign a treaty which would allow the seceding states to go in peace. Though the skies were still lurid with war, though the future held no certainty of triumph, he refused to abandon that principle to which his whole life had been dedicated the preservation of the Union. In our day another president, master of phrases and juggler of sentimentalities, continues to mumble about maintaining the honor of the United States, although the treaty he would sign would surrender American sovereignty to a foreign power. Abraham Lincoln ' |