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Show e'catxti Nttva, ius.auzvi, rmiiimied from Page l up the face of that political Mount E crest. A-- The greenest pastures seemed to be-- in the Auth. where the Republicans had managed to elect seven House members in 19G4 That leti more than 100 congressional districts as potential Republican targets in a dozen Southern and border states, mam of them districts in which Democrat? rarely ever faced opposition, Ford took the view that the Republican south could not be tied to racist politics. It had proved to be the fool's gold that hurt Southern Republicans during the itvt Goldwater campaign tutUic iit i,iT Attempting to create a positive Hepuuti-- . an image for the country was ditiicut enough, but Ford's objective was doubly olu-mwhenever his House Republican leadership came into conflict with the Senate Republican leadership of Everett M. Dirksen of Illinois, as it often did. It .vas no secret that Dirksen had gotten Jong famously with Halleek. Dirksen had been Minority's Dirksen got along lamously with the President, Ids old friend from the Senate. They spent a lot of time talking together Many ot fits Republican colleagues m the Senate were dismayed by Dirksen's cordial relationship with President Johnson and his total support of Johnsons Vietnam policies Dirksen's oust ant pecking at U,iat young man in the House" bothered Republican leaders in and out ot Congress No one was more dismayed by it all than Ford, wWb nevertheless continued to hammer away at Joluistm administration policies in Indochina. l6 From the start of the campaign, it was increasingly evident to Ford and other national Republican leaders that the political The ld66 election successes atoo strengthened Fords conviction that the republicans did not need to make deato with Southern Democrats. Republicans had won tk congressional seats in the Suth, about 25 per cent of the Mai For the first time, Republicans ir. Congress had a substantial Dixie wing of their own man found new role a Perhaps it was political sear tissue that had developed or perhaps it w as a degree of overconfidence inspired by some of his own personal leadership successes, but in lifoS Ford came dose to losing his Republican troops on the divisive and e,n4!'n-pae.k- d issue of civil rights. In the end. he had to scramble to catch up nightmare odds were hitting in their iavor As tiie momentum increased m the fall of campaign 19b3, Republicans concentrated on inflation. Vietnam crime and the Johnson credibility Sap. The result ot it all became apparent re- sented the rebellion that had deposed his Indiana friend as House Republican loader and he particularly scented to resent Ford's dedication to the idea of providing the country with Republican alternatives to Johnson proposals. led. by hu. own colleagues, that Wisconsin's Rep. Mel Land was really running the show from behind the scenes w ith returns of Nov. 8, I960, Tiie Republican party, bouncing off its 3964 sickbed, reasserted itself as a major force m the election American politics oy capiunng eight new governorships giving it control of 25 of the 50 statehouses plus three new seats in the Senate and 17 additional seats in the House. Ford had worked tirelessly tor the expanded House Republican membership that was now' his to command, campaigning in 37 states and traveling 138,436 miles. Now with 137 Republicans in the House instead of ltd. Ford and his leadership team could mount substantial opposition to Great Society programs and to a Democratic House majority not only reduced in number but also plagued with internal dissension over the smilingly weak performances of its two top men, aging House Speaker John McCormack and ailing Majority Leader Carl Albert ot Oklahoma. The increase in Republican strength lessened the constant reports, some of which Early in the year, in the wake of tiie major urban riots in the ghettos of Newark, Detroit and other troubled cities, the Senate had passed and sent to the House an open housing bill forbidding discrimination in live sale or rental of housing properties. Not only had tiie Senate passed it with a bipartisan majority, but tire bill itself was the handiwork ol Senate Republican Leader Dirksen 1967 It had no sooner hit the House when the lobby mounted a major campaign against the legislation. Ford, determining what he thought to be the wishes of his Repubican troops, took up a position against the Senate version and recommended that it be sent to a House-Senat- e nations real estate conference committee to iron out technical" problems. Ford was not alone. Supixirting him were most of his chief House lieutenants, including Laird, plus a majority of the Republican membership, reflecting their rural districts suburbs ol m tire hinterland and the the big ( ities. Ford immediately under attack lrem a variety ol quarters, responded hotly to his critics, while noting that a survey ot voter sentiment m his Filth District was 3 to 2 against open housing. I share the objectives of open housing." Ford declared pGbliely. insisting his opposition was procedural, not a question of principle." Iut the most jrersuasive force leveled against Foiti was a Republican revolt in the ranks red by two of his closest associates. New York s Charles Uoodell and Minnesota's Albert Quie, both of whom were holly as conservative as Ford himself. Quietly working among their Republican colleagues, they gradually put together a group of 77 law makers willing to defy Ford and vote foi quick passage of the open housiug bill revolt without It was an precedent m Ford's tenure ?s Republican floor chief and he sensed its importance as soon as he got wind of it Ford put out a quick statement, say ing he his stand against imwas reassessing mediate passage of the Senate bill and coupled his decision with a resolution calling on die House to establish a national day of mourning over the slaying of Dr. Martin Iwither Kmg Jr another emotion packed matter that eroded Ford's original position Ai knmvledging defeat. Ford voted for the measures final passage. "On balance." Ford said, the desirable portions were greater and more significant ban the undesirable ones." With his own rerelection practically a foregone conclusion. Ford spent mo4 of the 1968 campaign ceaselessly crossing tire country m hopes of electing even more Republicans to the Congress. For all of Fords tireless campaigning, the Republicans made only small gains in congressional membership, picking up five Senate rents, but only four seats in the House. In spite of this. Ford hu reason for have one jubilation The Republicans would of their own in the White House- Jerry Ford's old colleague and longtime political ally. Dick Nixon NEXT: Gel Justice Douglas! New nation's wobbly first steps Editor's note: This is the seventh of 18 articles exploring the theme. In Search of American the Dream. Today's article discusses the preoccupation with politics and constitutional govern- ment during the postrevolutionary days of The author Is professor 1787-J80- 1. of American history at Cor- nell University. Michael Kammen Distributed by JlVpIey News Service - By -- Domestic travelers as well 'as foreign visitors to the young United Stales uniiorm- Jy noticed tiie national obres-siu- n with politics. "They are all politicians, commented an Englishwoman alter a trip through Connecticut urely established as the dation ot the American ernmental edifice. foungov- Jeiferson. in his first inaugural address in March. 1801. assumed that since tire controversial election just passed had been "announced according to the rules of the constitution, all will, ot course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common aborts for the common good." Talking cnrilesJy ahHlt a science of politics, however, especially now that the Founders had discovered just how elusive a quality virtue could be. Their dilemma is best posed, perhaps, in this manner: what is the proiier balance betwreen freedom and order in a republican society where men are imperfect and often cannot control their passions? They had a number ul answers, or solutions, and we should note the majpr ones carefully. Fmst, the Founders ? A. . be- - to have a government not of men but ot laws, as Adams asserted m 1587. Fouilh, they envisioned a jKilitical society of such vast extent that by encompassing a greater variety ot parties and interin Madison's words, est, you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens geographic By the end ot the 1780s. then, the Founders had come c'" 'v $'4 V which a Federalist-dominate- v In December, 1791. m an important essay on Public in the National Opinion Gazette, James Madison wrete: Public opinion sets bounds to every government and is the real sovereign in every free one. Both the Federalists in power as well as the Republican opposition, in which Madison played a key organizational role, promptly recognized the need to have wide public support 1793-9Nor had they for their policies. They therenewsforeseen that so soon in the fore early established papers as ideological media. Thus, in 1795. when the Republicans were hoping to defeat John Jays Treaty judiciary might hand down court decisions along consistently parti re n lines. By 1800, therefore , their science of politics was deeply unsettled by the question of whether judges should be responsive to or independent ot the w ill of the people. They had not imagined, either, that popular dubs grass roots organizations of, could become political hie controversial, as they did in 4. every rights " mlraetion Writing ot maritime disputes with England, a Virginia politician wrote to a New Yorker that a change in the public sentiment now so universally manifested against the treaty, is the great desideratum of our opponents. To this object all their efforts will be pointed, and to frustrate them we have concluded an address to the people of the United States to be printed and dispersed in handbills. " their that stitution bad 1776 when we were new and unexperienced in the science ol government. Despite their mexperienee. however. Irom the onset of Revolution the most astute among our Founders had insisted that the good society required a science of politics embodied .in sound constitutions. As John Adams said in January. 1776The divine science oi politics is the science of , social happiness, and the blessings of society depend entirely on the constitutions In 1780 he of government.' science of The avowed that t government is my duty to I study, more than ali other sciences." of legislation Knowledge and administration and negotiation took first priority for him. Adams' contemporaries increasingly came to share this (relief, especially in the years alter 1786 when the need for central government Wronger than the Confederation became apparent. Their faith had Tiiuii deeply embedded in the constitutiona- l writing habit which started ithin the states and culminated in Ffnladelphia at Ure Grand Convention of 17a7. ("Written cctistiMioiis quickly came to be seen as blueprints d for the polity and guarantors of the good society. By 1787 Adams was ready to hazard a conjecture that virtue should be properly regarded as an "effect of the well-ordere- w constitution, rather than the cause."" V y COURSES BY America was NEWSPAPER was easier than actually dis covering or implementing such a science. During the there war years, had been heavy reliance upon government by committee, both in the Continental Congress and in the localities; so that many worried, by 1779, whether the country would shortly be overrun by committees." Under the Articles of Confederation the balance of power tipped a little too much toward the legislative 1776-178- 3, bodies. Hence the authors of the Federal Constitution in 1787 feeling an urgent need for more energy in public affair. for getting tilings done sought to strengthen the executive branch and correspondingly modify some recent powers of the legislative branch through certain restraints. They also hoped thereby to aenreve a Gettei equilibrium and they rationalized that equilibrium terms of a necessary separation of powers. Their sense of a proper system of checks and balances among toe agents of toe people was incorporated in the Constitution. in By time his presidency gave way to Jetferijons, hatf beer, rec- tfre Madison expressed Jefferson in February, 1798, his belief that the public opinion alone can now save us from the rash measures of our hotheaded executive (John Adams)." So. too, to Virginias Conbeen written m - a t m 1?S1, Jelierson recalli-- preoccupied with politics. (Painting courtesy of Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Conn.) In search of the American Bream lieved in explicit restraints and hojred to avoid ambiguity wherever possible; the limits uf power had to be defined As one student wrote, the constitution should be the avowed act of the people at large. It should be the first fundamental law of the Statt, and should prescribe the limits of all delegated power. Second, tney lutendru b the separation of powers not that the legislative, orgy executive, and judiciary de- ought to be forever separate and distinct partments, flora each other, but also that they would achieve a separation of ofSces, ie., abolish the pernicious colonial practice of plural office-boldin- remaining was the question of exactly who would govern feb governors. Still Third they thereby eant VI .f. . .e 12, y.m . 1th vt...,ii..4l DO- - mfln n r OUR READERS' ACTION z.ii 'v'-'jli.t- ro u,, ilNt Pi lrt.Vrt cC', No buyers foil sidewalk appeal The children in iwsr area coming from Bonneville Elementary School have no sidewalks along 19th East and they walk in the street. One particular spot at 1385, 19th East has huge rocks blocking the path and South there's an open area to one side that drops sharply to a swift stream of water. Couldn't sidewalk be put in or,at. least remove this dangerous spot? Mrs. R.S., SaltLaS&l Citv. No argument irom the uty that the sidewalks is needed. Although iho are aw are of the problem and have, discussed it with many PTA presidents, the hang up is that sjdewniks must ire installed by the property owig?r and are ret the responsibility of the city. The city has told the P r.Vs that the city would however, be wiiling to ' participate m some manner, as long as a good portion oi the expenses were paid by the PTA or property owners They've hod no buyers. One thing is looking up. though There is a portion of the stretch which net-d-s and teoeuu; retaining material. They have scheduled it.s we suggest you .mend some energy on Meantime repair. residents and PTVs ad see if you can get up the hnuncial interest necessary lor sidewalks A.-Sr Better start looking l live across the street from the Granite Schodl District office on Third East For three years weve been parking, with others, our extra cars in their lot. We were told the owners had an agreement with the district to permit this. Now we are getting nasty letters on our cars and some have been towed away. We called the office but they were rude and told us we couldnt park there. We cannot park on the street since the cars would block snow , removal. Can you help us? W.B., Salt Lake City. Better start looking tor another place cause school edict for anyone hot brass are enforcing a authorized. Despite what you- - heard : about an ' understanding,' none has ever been given. Only reason wh you and others have been allowed to be there is because they never entorced their own pulley. But they are now because tw o more buildings on the southeast end have made parking more limited. An even bigger hangqp is the same problem you mention: cars in the area prevent proper maintenance and snow removal for the district office Add the vandalism problem and, well qs wc said - better start looking elsewhere , , ACTION REACTION About your recent article' on Advance Electronics Corp., which moved from 999 W. 2990 South: they have moved to Dayton, Ohio. Their address is 2998 Executive Bh d., Dayton, Ohio 43124. They will Lake care of ady problem that have arisen in tire business here. Ail mail is Mr. D Salt Lake City. being forwarded to them Do If Mdn attempts to solve probii-m- s, get answers, investigate complaints and cut red tape-- Write or telephone. You must sren ss odd-eyou name and 31 vc your masi mriuna vom teSsehone i nurnbe--r settling territorial and S' There was much to be rectified in the political organization of the new nation m order to make law' and justice prevail, to avert mob rule, and to render unnecessary an apfreal lo the people," as Jelierson put it. or m other words a rebellion, on altairx d " iK v they imagined the extent to - nucak. to realize, with John Adams, that it is the insatiability of human passions that is the foundation of all government; and that the science of politics had, as Hamilton said, now received great Their realimprovement. ism did not dampen their enthusiasm, however, and they continually reaffirmed a strong faith in the necessity and value of republican government. Adams, the most cynical, did so in 1790 and often thereafter. Jefferson, who was more optimistic, insisted in 1801 that this government (is) the worlds best hope, and he never ceased to cherish that belief. of the new repubiic would be a steady shift history there from Liberty to Stability as the most desired of national needs. In part the issues of the 1790s, in both domestic and foreign policy, wrcre sparked by genuine disagreements among leaders and populace alike over how best to secure the ultimate goals for which the American Revolution had been fought. And in part these issues were exveer-bate- d by economic Thus the Southerners, who before 1776 had been the sti ongest Anglophiles, now tended to be Francophiles, while tire New Engiaiiders now tended to be The dcade ol the 1790s was Anglophiles. Contemporaries not. however, without its had their explanations, of political problems and gov- course, many of them hinging ernmental crises, among upon commercial concerns. them problems unforeseen by But the important point for us the sagacious students of is that the emergence of all public life who sat in these issues during the 1750s Philadelphia throughout the required a very major addisummer of 1787. They had not tion to the Founders science fully anticipated the of politics: recognition and emergence of political par- legitimization, for good and ties cnd the divisiveness that tor ill, of public opinion as a parties could cause, Nor had piftem force in national self-intere- The idea ot newness, ot being unprecedented, also had an important place in tire pantheon of early American thought. As Jefferson informed an English friend m March, 1801, the great extent of our republic is new (i.c., unprecedented). Its sparse habitation is new. The mighty wave of public opinion which has roiled over it is new,' Some made a fetish of their newness, and others even found a tradition in it: a paradoxical American The young nations messianic motto, tor example, placed on the obverse of the Great Seal, was adopted from Vergils Eclogues: Novus Ordo -- a new order of the ages is bom. Sec-loru- Thinking about such matin some a cer- ters induced tain introspective and raised intriguing questions about tire national identity. By tiie time of Jeffersons presidency, a surprising degree of eonsen-u- s had been reached concerning the fundamentals ol tiie new and divine sueswe of politics. But the quest for Americas character and destiny was quite another matand an open-ende-d ter quest, at that. By Harry Jones Deseret News staff writer I navent made any lormal come plaint to the FCC, or the have probably people. However, you noticed that the volume shoots upward whenever there is a commercial on the ' ' tube. At first, I thought the old color tube was dying of old age. The football teams play on brown fields on our set, and have done long before Indian Summer ended. Then 1 thought our sound had gone the same way. It would be working on minute, and the next it would tre blasting like an angry wile Then I noticed that the commercials were being televised when the sound went up. Some cat at the studio w as turning up the sound during the station breaks. 1 Z In fact, one commercial shows a pretty gal who say ' hey, I know where you are going. s She was wrong. I was headed for the kitchen to makt-, peanut butter sandwich. afciW dh hawkers television the that is w'hy Maybe yelling. They think you arc going someplace besides the kitchen and will dose the door' Believe me, you could hear them if your plumbing was on the outside! Commercials are designed to be heard by everyone in the house within yelling distance. The decibels shoot up to the top of the guage. TV watchers wear themselves out adjusting the - ; soundup, down It might be that the federal government is to blame. We blame everything else on the government. They do regulate television stations, but apparently they cannot ! ! regulate the volume. It's the same with most radio stations. Nice, quiet stereo music is interrupted with the news broadcasts. The sugar-coate- d voice of the newscaster is so soft to.be almost Inaudible. But, the moment the commercial comes on, the loud mouthed barker cracks the plaster on the ceiling. Tire jingles and music goes into a crescendo pattern! Stomping at the set wont work. Swearing never dfret,-angood, ana it couldnt be heard anyway. Kicking .the. set isnt revenge because you have to assume the repair bdl. One of the big problems is the number ol commercials on the tube these days. You watch a t without movie that was a short subject in the movie house, it has been exieireed by lour to six commercials every 40 minutes. anti-nois- y butter sandwiches can you evening A letter to our congressman or senator might bring , some but you might have to yell at him to get the, ' ' idea across. Better still, we canid nestle down with a good bodVr Why not something about World War II? It wouldnt b violent as some of the shows on the tube! WITS END: One thing about television commercials v v theyre never interrupted! How many peanut e uCt;-or.- duns w NeuRMPer , UCSD Extension and lunVo tv c grants frorr. the National Endownonl or the Humanities, with a suneKtranUry' stwt! from the EXXO: Education FcundatKm. Next: Making a Prosperous Protestant Nation. x 1783-181- k gd |