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Show MILLARD COUNTY CHRONICLE Delta. Utah. Thurs. Nov. 8. 1956. Mr. and Mrs. Leland R. Dyreng Mrs. Lucile Stephenson have rteurned to their home in Richland, Wash., after a visit in Delta with Mrs. Dyreng's mother, Gl ZING OUR Vv ORLD THE ADVERTISE IN THE CHRONICLE FOR BETTER RESULTS ailored forfm today's task 7 The lightest mildest straight bourbon you can find Once Over m i W I' Century Club is a whiskey that belongs in today's world! Light, mild it is tailored for today's taste! Try it! 6 YEARS OLD STRAIGHT BOURBON WHISKEY 86 PROOF NAT. DIST. PROD. CORP. N. Y. Mopping Up The political campaign is over, end a pretty uninspiring performance perform-ance it proved to be. One might be tempted to say it was unamerican, but the trouble is it was so characteristically charac-teristically American in all its phases. American political cam-naifns cam-naifns are notorious for the sort fin things that were done and said in this campaign for the raising of false issues, the character attacks, at-tacks, the muddled, contradictory rhetoric. By last Monday one would have had to dig deep in the mire to find what, if any issues, separated separ-ated the two major parties; exactly exact-ly what each stood for, and stood against. If all the bad things said about the four top national candidates can-didates were true, then, in choosing choos-ing any of them the people were electing some very, very raw characters char-acters for president and vice-president. Concerning some of the more prominent figures, It is in order to observe that the "rich men", generally, gen-erally, seemed the most radical the farthest left and the "poor men" the most conservative, or farthest to the right. This rule seems to go a long way with humanity hu-manity in general, and it tends to contradict the notion that wealth and prosperity build "conservation" and modest means, radicalism. Among the four top men, Nixon is probably the least well fixed, financially, and he is the most "conservative". Reports are that he has no independent means of income, in-come, and owns no appreciable amount of property. He depends on his earned income for his daily living; is buying a home in Washington Wash-ington on which he has not yet been able to pay off the mortgage. And he stands as the most truly libertarian advocate of free enterprise enter-prise and equality of opportunity, to the exclusion of privilege and subsidy of all sorts. Kefauver, likewise, is not considered con-sidered a wealthy man, 6ut, while he lacks the grasp of economics By Dick Morrison possessed by Nixon, he is more or j less "middle of the road" in that ' respect. j The wealthiest man of the four, something more than a millionaire; though he comes from a family of modest means. In this connection, ! Adlai Stevenson, who is just about j at the point of starting his second j million, is not only a wealthy man I by ordinary standards, but enjoys also a family background of wealth. He never had to work for a living. His early life was characterized char-acterized in part by signs of the "pointlessness" common to rich young men. Not facing the need of settling down to the serious business busi-ness of making a living, he flitted from travel to politics and 'back again, finally combining both, for what the observation may be worth, in the effort to win two presidential campaigns by travelling travel-ling thousands of miles back and forth across the nation. So we find Stevenson, with the firmest family background of wealth and security, the most "radical", or socialistic-minded of the four; and Eisenhower, the millionaire-plus not so far to the tight of him. For the Eisenhower I administration has been pretty socialistic more so than the first two terms of F. D. Roosevelt, by comparison. On the state level, J. Bracken Lee, a man of ordinary means, was certainly the most "conservative" of the chief candidates. While these and many other cases that could be pointed out tend to refute the idea that wealth begets conservatism, the explana tion of why it is so is not easy. Is it that " poor men" know the value of a dollar 'better, from their own experience, than rich men, and therefore are instinctively more cautious and "conservative" in policy? And on the subject of wealth and radicalism, it was reported that the greatest aggregation of wealth among the two parties was that represented at the convention, in Chicago, of the so-called "poor man's party". There were, reportedly, reported-ly, one hundred and thirty delegates dele-gates there worth more than a million each. If such a group is really and sincerely for the "little guy", how come? My suspicion has long been that candidates who yell loudest for the "little fellow" are often the most hypocritical, only seeking to buy his votes at any cost in order to gain power. Certainly Cert-ainly a great many of the policies they promote, ostensibly for the "little fellow" redund to the latter's long term disadvantage. But such is the nature of the multitudes that they too often follow the Pied-Piper. As for the issues, the last days of the campaign saw the Stevenson Steven-son group desperately trying to make something out of nothing. The effort to blame the Suez Canal ! affair, and the subsequent course of unilateral action on the part of England and France, on the Eisenhower Eisen-hower foreign policy was inconsistent. inconsis-tent. This, partly because the Eisenhower administration has followed fol-lowed rather closely to the "bi-partisan" foreign policy to which new-dealish new-dealish Republicans had adhered even during the Democratic administrations. admin-istrations. True, much of the unrest in the world today is traceable to errors in American foreign policy; but . most of those errors were made j under Roosevelt and Truman, with the acquiescence of prominent Republicans Re-publicans Hoover, Taft, and Mac Arthur 'being notable exceptions. So any attempt to pin alleged "failure" of the foreign policy on the Eisenhower Republican administration admini-stration could hardly take hold. The net result was that in nation al affairs, the Democrats were left without any important issue. The Eisenhower administration has taken tak-en over so many socialistic new-deal new-deal policies, and has gone so far in adopting the foreign policy pro-United Nations, etc. that it left no clear issues. On the state level, the grab for power by Senator Watkins was disgraceful. Utah Republicans who had backed Watkins had voted for him for what he appeared to be an American nationalist and a con- serative. It would have been understandable un-derstandable had he been content to go along passively with the socialism and internationalism of the Eisenhower branch of the party but; his pare in actively working for the political annihilation of others in the Republican party who believed those same things passed all understanding. Watkins' part in the censure move against McCarthy was disgraceful. dis-graceful. There are at least some of us who will never be deceived in that matter. What Watkins gained was favor of the "eastern-internationalist" "eastern-internationalist" politicians of both parties. These helped him put over the campaign against Lee in Utah. What he lost was his reputation as a man of strong principle. And his move surely showed up a lot of Utah Republicans as political opportunists of a low order. They don't deserve anybody's respect, and they don't have mine, now. An attempt was made during the campaign in Utah to smear Lee with the brush of "McCarthyism". But the smearers seemed to forget that Watkins had accepted McCarthy's Mc-Carthy's help getting elected for Tomorrows the ccry. . . they oo on cspo OLDSISiOBl m t 1 EE i M Lie Jst l ''.' i ; . - ALL that's MEW is OLDS ! 3 NEW SERIES ! IT ALL-NEW MODELS ! 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