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Show Modw AItontinit lit? ncBwipaDiiDnu; We'll promise you anonymity if you'll tell us the juciest piece of gossip you know. Katherine J a Rick Brough sleeps with his typewriter. u Page A2 Thursday, April 1, 1982 DMntoirnaall "VAN , - -1 " J '-- Clarity needed in assessing goals Now that the 1982 ski season is drawing to a close, it is time for the community to realign its values and reassess its goals and aspirations. Objective consideration of the local issues at hand brings us to conclude that success or failure of future actions could very well be completely beyond our probable motives. Park City officials, however, must address themselves to the question of whether or not the community can continue to eschew the preplanning of the foreseeable future, or consistently con-sistently overlook the fact that finalization of the issue is imminent. Irregardless of the city's intention to diligently pursue its course toward collectivity, it appears that it is absolutely imperative to become orientated to a more generalized approach. ap-proach. If such an approach is advantageous, we should advance in that progressive direction; if that approach is ineffective, ineffec-tive, it should be reevaluated. Thus, it is our suggestion that in dealing with the matter of this critical period in Park City's development, officials must aim for total clarity on obfuscating the citizens' concerns, con-cerns, always keeping in mind the potentiality for irrelevance. Furthermore, it should be understood that our very unique capacities should not be hidden from modesty in the closet that, objective-wise, we must gear ourselves toward efficient utilization of a coherent format. As city officials proceed toward their goal of generality, it is essential for them to keep in mind the necessary demand for careful analyzation of past retrospection, with the resulting consequence of effecting a conclusion. By maintaining the direction toward ongoing progress, it will become evident that the community is meeting its potential, and that out of past success comes hope for the future. MQ ii r u hi v GOOD NEWS FOR. lUEELDERlV.VDURE NOW IN A HIGHER TO BRACKET.. DECLARING YOUR FOOD STAMPS, INCOME by Jack Anderson ear Weekly SipediMKSS How 1 9-year-old Nicaraguan conned the State Department Washington The Reagan administration adminis-tration was sorely embarrassed a couple of weeks ago by a 19-year-old Nicaraguan named Jose Tardencillas. He is the revolutionary soldier who was captured in El Salvador last year and who was trotted out for the American press to prove that Nicaragua Nica-ragua is behind the leftist revolt in El Salvador. But the administration's smoking gun blew up in its face. At his State Department press conference, Jose recanted everything of substance he had confessed to earlier. When asked about this, President Reagan wondered aloud whether anyone had looked into the possibility that Jose's confession and recantation "might have been a set-up." We've looked into it, and the president was right. It was a set-up. But it was the administration's own people who set themselves up. Here is the story, as Jose told it to his traveling companions on the way back to Nicaragua. When he was captured by the Salvadoran army, young Jose had just one aim in mind to save his own neck if he could. So he told his captors anything he thought they wanted to hear. They beat him and tortured him and interrogated him for months. What the Salvadorans wanted wasn't secret military information about Jose's rebel unit. They didn't care about that. They were after political ammunition evidence of intervention by the Nicaraguan and Cuban governments govern-ments in EI Salvador. So Jose gave them all the right answers. By the time the Salvadorans turned their prize pupil over to the State Department and the CIA young Jose was an expert at reading his coaches' signals. Compared to his months in a Salvadoran slammer, the two or three days Jose spent being interrogated in Washington were a piece of cake. The young soldier quickly got the impression that his American questioners desperately wanted to believe his frantic story. They made a stab at cross-examining him to see if he was lying. But Jose said it was easy to discern when he had given a "wrong" answer, and to wriggle out of it. For example, he had told his captors that he had been to Cuba and Libya and even Ethiopia, though he had never set foot in any of those places. To test him, an American interrogator interroga-tor asked Jose how long it had taken to fly from Cuba to Africa. The young man didn't have the foggiest idea, but he had read some books and been to the movies. He figured such a trip would take longer than his flight from San Salvador to Miami and then to Washington. So he took a guess and said 10 hours. Not a bad guess. Then they asked him to describe the airport where he landed. Jose thought fast again. Many African countries are rich in oil, so could probably afford modern airports. "It was like Miami's," he said, naming the fancyist airport he had ever seen. Aha, said the American experts. That would be the airport in Tripoli. What about the people in Ethiopia, they asked him. What color were the people there? Jose wasn't sure, so he hedged. They were both "dark" and "light," he said. The Americans were delighted: He must have seen Cubans in Ethiopia. Maybe even Russians. They asked him about the training camp he said he had been to in Ethiopia. How long had it taken to get there from Addis Ababa:? "Four hours," said Jose. The questioner looked suspicious. Jose realized he had given a "wrong" answer. Four hours was too long a time. So he quickly added that they had taken a roundabout rounda-bout route to hide the training camp's location. Actually, he said, they had driven through Addis Ababa twice. That was better. The Americans were satisfied. And that's how administration, officials wound up with egg on their faces a day or two later when they set Jose Tardencillas before the television cameras. They had been outwitted by a 19-year-old soldier boy, and the administration's credibility came crashing down for all the world to see. Headlines and Footnotes? With a little boost from the oil industry, former Treasury Secretary William Simon's book, "A Time for Action," is doing well. Atlantic Richfield president Robert Anderson distributed copies of the book which praises Reagonomics and castigates political liberals to the company's 90,000 shareholders. There has been a recent, dramatic rise in long-distance calls which are billed to federal agencies in Washington. Washing-ton. The Federal Trade Commission, for example, was billed for $5,000 in . personal calls placed from other numbers during February alone. The Bell System has been unable to find the : perpetrators and has been picking up the tab. Intelligence sources say oil production pro-duction in the Soviet Union is seriously low. The reason: Accessible oil deposits have been drained and the most promising new sites are in remote locations. The result could be a Soviet energy crisis. Copyright, 1982 United Feature Syndicate, Inc. Rebecca Widen e Blair Feulner is giving up the radio station to go on a mission. Gary A e Jack Dozier takes ballet lessons. , s , : V X, " " sv.N V M ' ;h ' ' ft ' ' t m KathyW g John Vrabel wears elevator shoes. Teri Gs Don Gomes enjoys PCP. 4 Vr" '"" lllllBlfcll A H" - - " V: y S:!v David C n Marianne Cone paints by the num bers. by Stanley Karnow (BfldDlball Vnew U.S. could squander support of West European allies Washington There seems to be a growing tendency within the Reagan administration to dismiss America's allies in Western Europe as unreliable. Thus some White House aides are arguing for "unilateralism," the new euphemism meaning that the United States ought to go it alone. But that attitude strikes me as both wrong and dangerous. For recent surveys show that West Europeans still are surprisingly sympathetic toward the United States, even though they may have reservations about certain American policies. So Reagan and his advisers are headed for trouble if they squander that support by downgrading the importance of the Atlantic alliance and instead try to steer the United States toward a brand of neo-isolationism. This is not to deny that differences pervade the partnership. The West European leaders disagree with Reagan on the Middle East and Central America, and they resent his attempts to dissuade them from doing business with Moscow especially when he refuses to restore the embargo on U.S. grain sales to the Soviet Union. For their part, Reagan and his staff are inclined to get rattled by the spectacle of anti-nuclear and other such demonstrations in Western Europe, which they apparently interpret inter-pret as a trend in the direction of neutralism. The truth, however, is that most West Europeans share America's hostility toward the Soviet Union and would even wage war to resist a Russian invasion. This is borne out in a Gallup Poll published a couple of weeks ago in "Le Point," a French newsmagazine. Asked to choose between war and Soviet domination, 74 percent of the West Germans, 75 percent of the British and 57 percent of the French replied that they would fight to defend their territory. The West European mood, in short, is plainly "Better dead than red." To a lesser extent, the survey indicates, West Europeans have faith in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Organiza-tion to protect them though a substantial proportion, particularly in Britain, are worried that U.S. missiles based in Western Europe may increase the risks of a conflict. One thing is plain. The Soviet Union's reputation in Western Europe is dismal, which is a drastic change from the days following World War II, when even conservative Europeans regarded the Russians as heroes. According to the survey, roughly 70 percent of West Europeans rate the Soviets "unfavorably." By contrast, the majority of West Germans, French and Italians view the United States with approval. Oddly enough, though, America's image is less brilliant in Britain perhaps because the British, as an island nation, feel less dependent on the United States for their defense. With all this, however, West Europeans Euro-peans are not entirely confident that the United States has what it takes to exercise global leadership. Opinions vary from country to country. Newspaper Probably because they are close to the Soviet Union, the West Germans and Italians believe that they can count on America. The French are split on the question, and the British are strongly lacking in confidence. Interestingly, I find, Americans still consider Western Europe to be vital. A majority favor a commitment of U.S. troops to its defense. There is not the same support in the United States to protect the oil fields of the Persian Gulf. To my mind, these opinions suggest that the Atlantic pact is very much alive. But, I would add, it could wither unless it is infused with fresh and innovative ideas. It is no longer a monolith as it was a generation ago, when Western Europe was almost totally reliant on the United States economically as well as militarily. The West Europeans now have their own policies, which do not always conform to Washington's ways. The alliance therefore, must become a more flexible association, its members bound together by their willingness to stand together against the Soviet threat, rather than a collection of U.S. satellites. As the opinion surveys illustrate.the common bond is there. It remains for the Reagan administration to take the lead in renovating America's relationship relation-ship with its European partners rather than grumbling about their reluctance to dance to every White House tune. (c) 1982 The Register and Tribune Syndicate Inc. 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