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Show tion. 'from the northern, to the southern boundary of the state, extending about 400 miles. The republicans managed to get in one member of congress from that district under that apportionment at the first election thereafter, but Mississippi Mis-sissippi methods have prevented the return re-turn of any republican to congress since then from that or any other Mississippi Mis-sissippi district. But we need not go down into Dixie for exemplification of the prevalent democratic demo-cratic practice of gerrymandering when that party gets into power temporarily, for we have brilliant examples of it today to-day in Ohio and Indiana, to say nothing noth-ing of Michigan and "Michiganizing." Ohio in 1888 gave IIakuison a plurality plural-ity over Cleveland of 19,599 votes, and 49i per cent of the popular vote of the state. In 18S9 she gave Campbell, democrat, for governor, a plurality of 10,872, and a percentage of less than fortv-nine nf ihn nnimlnr vote, electinsr j I l ' o all of the other republican candidates for state officers except lieutenant-governor, on which the vote wa3 in favor of the republican candidate but he was unseated. The democrats secured the legislature, however, and the gerrymandered gerry-mandered the state so that in 181)0 when the republicans elected all three of the state officers then chosen by pluralities of from 9000 to 11,000, and had nearly 4D per cent of the popular vote, they got seven out of the twenty-one congressmen con-gressmen elected, or just one-third of the total. Indiana is another instance of democratic demo-cratic gerrymandering. In 1888 she gave Harrison and the republican state ticket a plurality of 2300 and more than 49 per cent of the popular Tote, but the prior democratic government of the state had so districted it that the democracy de-mocracy secured ten of the thirteen congressmen and nearly two-thirds of each branch of the legislature: Last year when the boasted tidal wave came on and the democrats carried Indiana by a plurality of 20.000 from a vote of 477,000, and received less than 49 per cent of the popular vote, they elected eleven of the thirteen members of con-, con-, gress, and secured the legislature in both branches by a majority of nearly three fourths. Some months ago the columns of the Chicago Iribune contained maps of Ohio and Indiana showing up well the shameful gerrymander perpetrated by the democracy in the arrangement of congressional districts in those states. There was no pretense at compactness in them they exist today in all forms conceivable, from straightness to shapes of the ram's horn and the ox-bow. Equality in population cut a small figure fig-ure too, as shown by figures on the maps, the republican districts being made almost invariably so as to contain more people than those fixed up for democratic majorities. These instances are of not at all ancient an-cient date, as will be seen, and we have more of them to give when our democratic demo-cratic friends shall indicate that they would be pleased to perusfttieni, mu we are inclined to belieVJ it enough has here been exhibited fc Jeir delectation delec-tation to satisfy them thaJyi; is not in good policy for the pot t o call the kettle black. ANENT GERRYMANDERING. It is refreshing to pick up a demo-j cratic paper nowadays and read in its j columns whining articles anent gerrymandering. gerry-mandering. The term had its origin ,, from the name of a local politician in Massachusetts.one Gekri", long years ago.who it seems was the first scientist in America that developed the magnificent magnifi-cent proportions to which the practice of thwarting the will of the people might be carried. The practice never became notorious in this country, how-, how-, ever, until after the ex-confederates had secured control of the state government govern-ment of Mississippi, which they did in 1875, by means not now necessary to rehearse. Their first act was to fix Mississippi so as to offset as far as possible pos-sible the republican representation from that slate in congress, which in 1872, was overwhelmingly republican, as shown by the majority Grant obtained there in that year. Mississippi was one of the two or three southern states that contained a majority of ' nigger" voters, vo-ters, who almost unansmously votedre-publican. votedre-publican. hence the redistricting of tho state followed that massed the "niggers" "nig-gers" of the state as far as possible in one of her seven congressional districts. Then it was that the term "shoe string district" came in vogue. A district was formed taking in a tier of negro c unties, more or less zigzag in propor-i |