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Show I MAJOR CLARK CONTINUES WAR ON LEAGUE I Upholds the Senate in m Refusal to Ratify Pact Compliments Senator Smoot and Urges Necessity of His Reelection Upon HE the Republican Voters of the Commonwealth FOLLOWING li - ' h in Provo on Mon-Uy night ou the five central projects .f the ElaglM of nations -o v rnsnt ami the contentions of Mr. 7 W Elton as to the ri'ht at withdrawal, the Monroe doctrine, the aOCQSSity for ; unanimous action by t In- council on all league matters, ami the fix British vote?; , dJk '"I hi' -icech in fg.en on Tuesday niyht on the failure of the league to per- lJ. sRf form, during its ton months of existence, any of the functions which hud boon claimed for it. Major Clark delivefcd the third of his series of talks la-t night in Pric i the constitutional functions of the senate in the making of treaties, and the various reservations offered lo the covenant by tho senate. VM Tbfl -piakor developed the evolution of Mr. Wilson in his plan for interna- ' fionalisin, pointed out the eonflicl between Bepublieun senators' nationalism !mQ ind Mr. Wilson's internationalism from the outset, ami quoted the warnings, by ' Ssssl individual senator, an. I through the Republican " round robin, ' given to Mr. Si Wlson that the covenant wa not a -eptuble. He then showed the fuuetions of T tin tenate In treaty making, quotinjt from the proceedings 4n the constitutional . iir I j convention, nod cits. I various important instances, beginning in 1794, whore the wlj eenati exorcised theft powers, tie followed this bj dtscusginB the various roscr- iJH Nations to the loveiiaril. SPEECH OF MAJOR CLARK. a u:. l .n .n . ms spcecu in iun ioi.ovv.i: H I suppoee it is more or lees un incident rl T. :.n iM.iitleal contests that the Issues jW" 1 l-ii Mated . 1 1 f i .nin ir.mk- HB oi leaat one of the H This situation is made possible H und peiliaps oncourugeel by the fact that H fn country of such proportions as our H with its Infinitude of problems, do- H rneatlc and foreign. It is impossible for. JH tli i pie generally to have the time Hg fully to Inform thenwlven upon nil Uiese Wlyl marten evon u thi meani wore at their BBBBsB SSH The new -Itself Is always scanty and BBBB with difficulty understood, even by those H trained observers. H li. therefore, comes about, thai the H rnoai of us must largely trust to tho H ii'.in-fiy and to the. integrity of those H whom we place at the head of the gov- H rnmi tit. arid vv.- believe or disbelieve H wtiat the) Bay, largely as we coincide H with their supposed political views or H Otherwise; and where great questions am H Involved relating to matters fundamental H to our government, particularly wiierc H the! are beclouded by the pride or the H ambition Of men of great authority, those H of ii- who would wish to know tho truth H carefully examine the basis on H which the statements of such men are jsBH If. therefore, what I have to say to- H night I somewhat academic In Its char- aoter, If It Is somewhat dull In Its sub-H sub-H jact matter, my excuse and explanation h are at once the same, the Issue Involves fre di eernment, th perpetu BBH ity of our free Institutions, and it Is only IHB b) a familiarity with the fundamentals on the imrt of the people that ere have iflflj any- reasonable ground for hoping our HH government may continue to exist. Kan rtldlciilc. scurry slsnder und contumely H have been recently heaped In unstinted fl measure upon the senate of the t'nlted H Stall f for Its failure to advise and con- HHH isnl to the ratification of the unmudlf ed treaty of Versailles They have been called t-luhborn. ignorant, impudetit. 00n J eptrator. und so on through a long list 1 of epithets, nndonly because they have presumed to question, as was their right, th act of the chief executive. I propose tonight to examine the ques-tlon ques-tlon of the senates rights in this mat-tei mat-tei " .in. what In principle and also in the light of unbroken precedent during the B century and a quarter of our national 1 existence, because the question involved here concerns really and in fact the very foundations of our government. For If the leaguers are correct i?i their view. frequently expressed and always impi eii In their arguments, that the senate is merely to ratify without question, a treaty which the executive has chosen to negotiate; and If the senate to so surrender, without doubt or hesitation Its right to pass upon treaties made by tho executive, then I say to you serlous-ly serlous-ly and without exaggeration, that we have set Up a despotism In this country which in today unparalleled In tho whole Bl civilized world. BBB Before proceeding with this discussion It will be useful to get clearly In mind H the. full situation and some of Its ante- . v 1 cedents with respect to which we must .-. consider the action of the senate in con- uectlon with this treaty. NEUTRAL IN THOUGHT Tho great war broke early In August. 1914. As was Inevitable, by reason of our largely mixed citizenship. American sympathies were divided. There were millions, however, who felt when tho war came that our own Interests there-JtjfltS there-JtjfltS ln were great. If not vital Mr. Wilson PwJ vva not one of these, and on August IS. 8pe ho Issued his famous proclamation In which he said: SKf ' The United States must be neutral In JJjR fact as well as in name, during these 3R da I that arc lo try men's souls. We refjj must be impartial in thought as well as f&Vi m action, must put a curb upon our sen- tlments as well us upon every transaction that mlKht be construed as a prefer-BsKs prefer-BsKs ence of one party to the strugglo before not).' i 1 In January of the following year he If .'i.'l a Jackson day nddr -- nt In- IOlanapoUs on tho Democratic partv, and, peaklni of the future, he , ri.-d out Ixiok .1 1. road upon the troubled SOrldl Onlj Amerira ;t peace' Amony all the i;reat powers pf the world onlv America saving her power for her own people" Mill later. In April, speaklnit on the tjti)i,t 'Amerlcu llrs!. h- sui.l Let us think of America before we think of Europe, in order thAt America may bo fit to be Europe's friend when the day of tested friendship comes. "Mv Interest in the neutrality of the t'nlted States Is not the petty desire to keep out of trouble Rut I am In-lareeted In-lareeted In neutrality because there Is something ao much kreuter to do than light, there Is a distinction waiting for this nation that no nation has ever yet Km Tluit is the distinction of absolute eelf-control and self-mastery. " On May 7, 1513, a tlerman commander, after a brazen notice published in American Amer-ican newspapers of an impending catastrophe, catas-trophe, torpdoed. Without warning, the itemmettlp Lusltanla, mop- than N American lives. Including women and hlldren. were sacrificed. Tho sinking of this ship was premeditated, wanton. Illegal, snd Inhuman. The spirit of the Whole country Immediately rose to fever heat. Our rights upon the sea had been violated; our men, women and children murdered ln a p!ac In which they had M absolute rlKht to be. The American i sople re prepared for a declaration of war at that moment and had It com and had we entered the war as we did two yours later, there Is every possibility possi-bility that the war would have been shortened by many months and that Europe Eu-rope would today not be tho seething I'.ddron of unrest and warfare whl. ii she Is. TOO PROUD TO FIGHT " But Instead of the president Kolng to congress with a rSQueet for a declaration declara-tion of war le delivered himself three days afterward of theso sentiments: "The example of America must be a special example The example of America Amer-ica must be the example, not merely of peace because It will not fight, but of peace because peace Is the healing and fa elevating Influence of th- t orld and sirlfe Is not. There 4s -sui h a thing as a man being too proud to tlKht. There Is such a thing as a nation being so nlH that it do. s no', heed to vontince olherr. by force that It Is right." The outcry of the nation was so great against the c-cvvardlee that our friends and enemies said lurked In this speech, that to counter It, llr Wilson sent, ihree i duvd later i.May 13, lf'lG), a note lo the rm.iri kui 'eminent In hiih, after calling call-ing attention to our rights under the principles of International law he said wc mucl hold the Imperial OernUMl government gov-ernment to a strict Accountability for any Infringement of thole- rights. Intentional or Incidental.'' In spite of the continued destruction of our ships and commerce and sacrificing sacrific-ing American llccs, the only "strict ac- oiintabldty' which we exacted and Germany gave, was a more or less polite reply to our numerous loftily phrased protests. GROWTH OF INTERNATIONALISM. But meanwhile there began working in Mr. Wilson s mind a mlirhty ferment, dangerous, deadening, destructive the ferment of Internationalism; that is the wiping out of nationalities and the sit-tlng sit-tlng up of a stTperstatr whh h should rule the world. It Is glinted at here and th.rc throughout all his speeches of that period, i think M ee enttal to the proper undi retandlna of his later quarrel with the senate that we consider a few of hie ianler,K-nts rteallnff with this uubjeet, beoauee the issue between him and the senate, when ail Is said snd done Is between their nationalism and his Inter- j nationalism. i At Cincinnati. In October, 1916. he said Wc must have a socletv of nations. , not puddenly. not by Insistence, not by any hostile emphasis upon the demand, but by the demonstration of the needs of the time The nations of the world must cet together and say, 'Nobody can hereafter be neutral at resp-cts the disturbance dis-turbance of the world's peace tor an object ob-ject which the world's opinion can not sanction.' The world's peocc oui;ht to be disturbed If the fundamental rights of humanity are inv aded, but It ought not to be disturbed for any other thing that I can think of. and America was tstab- I I Shed In order to Indicate, at any rate In on.- government, the i ind.a mental rights of man. America must hereafter be ready as a member of the family of nations to exert her whole force, moral and physical, to the assertion of those . rights throughout the globe " A little more than a week later he poke at Shadow Uwn, ort the end of America s Isolation and non-entanglement j In European affairs He said "The world w-!l never I.- ngiln what ii has been. The United Btates wdii never be again what It has been The Unite States was once In enjoyment of what we used to call splendid Isolation " After pointing out the financial dependence de-pendence of Europe upon America under existing circumstances, he continued "8o it does not suffice to look, as some gentlemen are looking, back over their shoulders, to suggest that we do again what we Old when we were provincial and isolated and unconnected with the great forces of the world, for now we are In the great drift of humanity which is to determine the politics of every country In the world."' "PEACE WITHOUT VICTORY." In the late months of 1911 the German government made certain peace overtures. January IS, 1917. Mr. Wilson delivered an address on the conditions of the pvoco which was to come where ho laid down the dictum that there be a "peace without with-out victory." Bui he also said on the question of his new superstate Idea: I do not mean to say that any American Ameri-can government would throw any ob-stacles ob-stacles In the way of any terms of pi : the governments now at war might agree upon, or seek to upset them when made, whatever they might I.e. 1 only take It for granted that more terms of peace between be-tween tne belligerents will not satisfy even the be llgerents themselves. Mere agreements agree-ments may not maki poace secure. It will be ab.o.utely necessary' that a forco bo r Lted 1 1 I guarantor of the permanency perma-nency of the settlement so much greater than the force of .inv nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected pro-jected that no nation, nor probable combination com-bination of nations could face or withstand with-stand It. If the peace presently to be made Is to endure. It must bo a peace made secure by the organized force of mankind" This gives a substantial plcturo of process of Mr. Wlli;n's Internationalism up to the time we entered the war. INTERNATIONALISM SHAPING. A month after we entered the war he delivered an address to congress in which he set out his famoub "fourteen points." We will quote only the last of them. XIV A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees guar-antees of political Independence and territorial terri-torial Integrity to great and small states alike." On July 14, KUS, in an address at Mount Vernon, he gave four factors of world peace of which the fourth was this. TV The establishment of ;in organization organi-zation of peace which shall make It certain cer-tain that the combined power of free nations na-tions will check every Invasion of right and serve to make peace and Justice tho more stcure by affording a definite trl-I'un trl-I'un M of opinion to which u II must submit, sub-mit, and bv which every International re-ndjustinenl re-ndjustinenl that cannot be amicably agreed upon by tho peoples directly concerned con-cerned shall bo sanctioned." Djl the following September these four fai u.rs had been Increased to five, and they wore not the same ones. Ho then said In a public speech I "At every turn of the war we gain a fresh consciousness of what we mean to nccompllsh by It." "And. as I ee it. tho constitution of that league of nations and the clear definition defi-nition of Its objects must be a part. la. In a sense, the most essential part of tin-peace tin-peace settlement Itself. It cannot be LbeM formed now If formed now. It would be merely a new alliance confined to the nations associated against a common enemy. It la not likely that it could be formed after the settlement. It Is nece-ssry nece-ssry lo guarantee the peace; and the pce cannot be guaranteed as on afterthought." after-thought." But when the war was on all this was merely talk and senoiors not sharing his vtesre were unwilling to have It appear to tne enemv that American counsel was divided. Accordingly they gneraiiv held their peace till It was certainly evident j Germany was defeated. SENATORIAL OPPOSITION. By October It was . lear that pace was coming, and senators then l-gao olclng opposition to this new un-Amerlean d' -trine. On the 26th of October. Mr. Knox, addressing the senate, advent I to tnr-seeming tnr-seeming Intention of mixing together the conclusion pf peace and the organisation of r. league of nations, as foreshadowed in Mr Wilson's Speech last quoted, and ur;e.i with great force that peace be first made and that other matters left for later adjustment This speech was sympathetic of the feelings that were surging in the minds of many Democratic senators, and practically all Republican senators, whose party heritage was the salvation of the nation against the machinations of men inspired by Democratic Demo-cratic philosophy. Hv November 11 caWie the armletlce It would be an Interesting matter ts tra. e In detail Just what this armistice did In the way of bringing actual peace, tut we have not the time. Still anxious over the future negotln-j negotln-j tlons by Mr. Wilson in connection with I the negotiations of peace. Mr. Knox Oil Pscajnber t, the day before Mr Wlleon salted for Europe lo negotiate a reace treaty, lntroiucxl resolution, the third and fourth clauses of which read. "Tlilrd. That any project for any general gen-eral league of mtions or for any sweeping chance In Biee ancient laws of the sea as hitherto recognized as International law and violated by thfj Teutonic powers should be postponed for separate consideration con-sideration not alone by the victorious belligerents, but by all the nations, . If and when at some future time general conferences on those subjects (might be deemed useful. "Resolved further That immediately upon compliance with the terms of the armletlce and th' guaranteed attainment of the war alms as aforesaid, the army and navy of tho I'nlted States' should h withdrawn from foreign territories and waters except In so far as their retention might be temporarily necessary to establish estab-lish the status contemplate.! by the armistice; and further, that the extraordinary extraor-dinary powers conferred upon the president presi-dent Tor tho proeec utlon of the war snould f e withdrawn and the country ret- .jr I to :i normal condition of peace with the greatest celerity consistent with the national na-tional Interest." Mr. Wilson sailed for Europe to nego-' nego-' tlate the peace treaty on December i ; Arriving In Europe he made a tour of real Britain, France ami Italy ills reception re-ception might have turned even a fur lesR ambitious head. Ijite In the following February he returned re-turned to the United Btatea, I ringing with him not a treaty pf peace, but a supposed preliminary draft of the league of nations. Before leaving Paris he had ! to the -nembers of the comm'ttee on foreign relations of the senate, asking them upon his return to dine with him a I ' " White Housi in. I In dls us., the proposed covenant for the league of nations na-tions The responsible members of con-fcress con-fcress were Immediately filled with gravest apprehensions. However, practically prac-tically all of the committee acceded to his lequest and dined wdth him On the authority of one who was present pres-ent and took part In the talklnp I am prepared to tell you there was no real discussion of the covenant of th.- league of nations, for the simple reason thai Mr. WPson did not manifest sufficient knowledge of Its actual terms, to engage In discussion Hour days before Mr. Wilson left for Kurope. that Is. on March , Mr Knox delivered In the United States senste u speech In which he analyzed the provisions provi-sions of the covenant discussed the Instrumentalities In-strumentalities which it set up and through Which It was tO work as also the powers which theso instrumentalities DOS ssed. He declared thev were unacceptable unac-ceptable and must be unac eptable in the form submitted, and in closing used these words "Let the discussions of the league of nations be postponed for later consideration, considera-tion, not alone by the victorious belligerents, belliger-ents, but by all the nations. If and when at some future time a general conference on this subject may be both possible and useful Professing as we do to having all humanity for ojr concern, let us not In our league outlaw a gr. it part of the civilized world. Let us see to It that this league which Is to ushr In n r.-lan of tlKhteousness upon the e.-irth shall ,-om-prlse all peoples who dwell upon It Including In-cluding our regenerated, democratized en-em en-em 'Meanwhile, our cobelllgerents ne-j have no anxiety, for. so surely as the sun rises. If the Hun flood again threatens, threat-ens, to engulf the world we shall again be found fighting for the rights with the same complete accord and cooperation as In the past, all for the defense -of civilization." civi-lization." REPUBLICAN "ROUND ROBIN " Xor Is that all; on March A. tho dav before th president made his farewell speech In Xcw York. thirty-Seven Republican Re-publican senators signed a written decli -ration statirg that 'If they had had the opportunity, they would have voted" for a resolution reading as followa ' Whereas, L'ndcr the Constitution It Is the function of the senate to advlBSj and consent to or dissent from the ratification ratifica-tion of any treaty of tho United States and no such treaty can become operative without the concent of the senalo expressed ex-pressed by the affirmative vote of two-thirds two-thirds of the senators present, and "Whereas. Owing to the vktorv of tho arms of the United States and of the nations with whom It Is associated, a peace conference was convened and Is now In session at Paris for the purpose of settling the terms of peace, and "Whereas, A committee of the conference confer-ence has proposed a constitution for a league of nutlona and the proposal Is now before the peace conference ior its consideration, now. therefore, be it "Iteeolvcd, By th.- senate of tio- 1'nUi d States In the discharge of Its constitutional constitu-tional duly of advice In regard to treaties, that It Is the sense of the senate that while it is their sincere deelre that the nations of the world should unite to promote peace and genera disarmament, tho constitution of the league of nations In the form now proposed to the peace conference should not be accepted by tlo-United tlo-United Btatea . and bo it "Resolved further. Thai It Is the sense of the senate that the negotiations on the part of the United States should Immediately Im-mediately be directed to the utmost expedition ex-pedition of the urgent business of negotiating ne-gotiating pence terms with Oerman) satisfactory sat-isfactory to the United States and the nations with whom the United States Is associated In the wjt against tho Gorman government, and the proposal for a league of nations to Insure tho permanent perma-nent peace of tho world should be then taken up for careful and serious consideration." consid-eration." INTERTWINING LEAGUE AND TREATY All this evidently did not reassure Mr. Wilson regarding tho covenant when b should finally return with it, f,.r in his speech In the Metropolitan opera house on tho eve of his second departure for Kurope ho said, referring to the poaol blllty that his league would not be accepted ac-cepted ; ' When that treaty comet bacfk, gentlemen gentle-men of this sido will find the covenant not only in It. but so many threads of tho treaty tied to the covenant that you c-innoi dissect tho covenant from the treaty without destroy Inc. u,,. whole Vital structure." WILSON RETURNS WITH COVENANT Klvlng In tho face of the warnings given him. ho brought bach to th- United States a treaty, tne first part of which was the very league of nations covenant which practically the entire It. oubll. an j strength of the senate had notlfli d him ihey would not accept. I may here ln- rerpolate that not only had the action of. the Republican members of the senate notified thr president of the unwillingness unwilling-ness of tho RepubUcan membera to have thuf .ov.nant of the leagu of nations but this action also notified the whole world of the same fact In so far as It was possible for the senate members to gtve notification In view of this fact and Ignoring the constitutional principle Involved, to which 1 shall shortly come, all tots talk about our being committed to this thing by the mere gnature of the president. Is the veriest nonsense. hen the president returned with his tr-aty. It early became his evident Intention In-tention immediately to force it through the senate without any fehange or modification modifi-cation whatsoever, believing that this w.i the surest If not the only way In whh h he ever ciuld secure its adoption. Or as he expressed It In his apeech at Los Angeles: "I have no doubt, and I have not met anybody who had any well reasoned doubt, that If Immediate action could have been secured upon the treaty at that time only a negligible percentage of our people would have objected to lis acceptance without a single change In either the wording or the punctuation " Prom that time until the present. Mr Wilson has Insistently demanded the ratification of this treaty 'without a single change either in the wording or the punctuation." In Coeur d'Alene he made this gracious concession, however. "I do not object to painting the n or refining fine gold; there Is not any phrase In the covenant of the league of nation.- that cat legitimately be said to be of doubtful meaning, but If the con- r thi United Btatea wants t,, state the meaning over again In other words I do not see any moral objection to It." Tin treaty With amendments had been rwloe rejected In the senate upon his flat addressed to his blind followers Fur their share In adopting such amendments as s.-om to them necessary tr, protect tho Interests of the United States. Republican senators and the few real minded patriotic nemocratic eene-n eene-n vha stead with them, have received all the opprobrium which It haa been pi salble to he:p Upon them. They have been held up to ridicule and scorn: they have beOP charged with Improperly meddling med-dling with a treaty which they were under un-der obligation to take as It was written, i.e. . e it had be.-n signed by the president presi-dent of the United States TREATY MAKING IN CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTITUTION-AL CONVENTION. Now no other single proposal berorc tac cnventlon which gave us the constitution constitu-tion called for greater discussion anxiety, and consideration than that Ot the powers of the federal executive. And of these powers few were more carefully care-fully considered than his connection with the malting of treaties hide-. I. so far did thK ko that even the power of the ej cullvc to nesToMati all trteattee, sun-v sun-v t to the advice and consent of the sen-ate, sen-ate, wan not bestowed without much dc-bate dc-bate and some misgivings ifccrc burned in the hearts of the fathers fa-thers of the government an unextinguish-ablo unextinguish-ablo fire of liberty, thev loved the freedom free-dom for w filch Choi had fought and bleu and for which some had given their lives They had visions of a great republic, established In a new world to to"lng about ii new order The man wR presided over them had refused the crown of America formallj tendered to him o tho.--.. u ho could have made (hi tender good, namely, the soldiers Of the army and he had pushed It from him, not hesitatingly and reluctantly ns did i M.-;ir. b it firmly, definitely, Imperially If you will So It was the prime concern con-cern of the fathers to sec to It that as the rutin who above all oth rs was beat fitted to be king had refused they would make him no king, and they would construct con-struct no government which properly conducted con-ducted was like lo a kingdom On Juno 18, the constitutional convention conven-tion being convened, Hamilton read to the convention an outline plan In whKh th chief executive was to have, with the advice and approbation of the senate sen-ate the novver of making all treaties." Th. first convention draft provided that the senate should have the power to make treaties, though, regarding this, one member Mercer, from Maryland Contended that the senate ought not to have power to make treaties, since tnis be'i.nged to th. executive department Curiously, one of the objections to the making of treaties bv the senate was that thev ould "sell the whole country by such means." The next stage was the provision that the senate shall nuve power to treat with foiclgn nations, but no treaty shall De binding on the United Slates which is not ratified hv a lasv " It was then nrired by Mr. Madison that since the .senate represented the states alone, as well as for other obvious reasons, ' It was proper that the president should te an agent In treaties." Not a little apprehension ap-prehension was felt hy members that It American representatl ves went abroad to negotiate treaties they would be subjected subject-ed to lnfluen. es which could not but be Inimical to the best Interests of tho t'nltc! States. Mr Oouvcrnctir Morris affirmed that "In general he was not solicitous to multiply and facilitate treaties " He wished none to be made Witb Great Britain until sho should be at war and then a good bargain mlcht be made with her. So with other for-. for-. Ign powers. "The more difficulty In making mak-ing treaties, the more vatue will be set on them." MADISON FORESAW PRESENT SITUATION SIT-UATION The next draft proposal was that "the president, bv and wdth the advice and consent of the senate, shall have power to make treaties . but no trenty (except a treaty of peace) shall be made without the consent of two-thirds of the members present." The addition "except treaties of peace " was ma.lo at the sug-gestlon sug-gestlon of Madison, who then moed to authorise a concurrence of two-thirds ot tho senate to make treaties of peace, without the concurrence of the president. presi-dent. The president, he said, would n.-cessarily derive so much power and importance from a state of war that he might be tempted. If authorized lo Impede a treaty of peace" Mr. Butler, I who seconded this motion of Madison "was strenuous for the motion, as a nei -eeaary security against ambitious and corrupt presidents He mention. -d the late perfidious policy of tho Statholder In Holland and the artifices of the PuKc of Marlboroush, to prolong the war of which he had the management "Mr. Geerv ivah of opinion that In treaties of peace a greater rather than a lesa proportion of votes was necessary than In other treaties In treaties of peace the dearest Interests will be at stake, as the fisheries, territories, etc. In treaties of peace also there Is more danger to the extremities of the continent, conti-nent, or being sacrificed, than on any other occasions." MARLBOROUGH AND WILSON. I will digress long enough to observo that the vision of Butler Is all too prophetic. Marlborough, great and brilliant bril-liant as he was kept Europe at war long alter his enemy was ready to end hostilities hos-tilities or. terms that Marlborough should have been willing to accept, and he Old mo, first, because hlM own personal selfish ends would be Lest served by continuing the war. and. second, because he was personally Interested In establishing a balance of power In Kurope aa dreame l of by his former king William, the Silent, but a balance about which England En-gland did not care and os to which his then aovorelgn. Anno, had no views We are today held In a state of war and have ben for now nearly eighteen months because our executive is Interested Inter-ested in establishing, not a balance of power by that name, but In establishing a covenant of tho league of nations, which, 1m nothing but an alliance among the great powers. When th.- treaty-making power was next considered by the convention It struck out tho words, "oxcept treaties of peace." Successive efforts, all defeated: were then made to have the clause amended so that first, "two-thirds of all the memoers of the senate to make a treaty should be required": thai It Hhonld take a "majority of all the members of the senate to make a treaty"; "that no treaty shall be made unless two-lhlrds of the whole number of senators be present"; pres-ent"; "but no treaty shall be made before be-fore all the members of the senate are summoned and shall have time to attend at-tend ' CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY. MAKING POWER The forsn as It finally emerged Is, of course, that which Is to be found In the constitution which reads. "He (the president) shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the enote. to make treaties, provided two-thirds two-thirds of the senators present concur." May I observe before proceeding that ho Is Indeed proof against all belief In divine Intervention In human affairs and against all thought of the providential character of our great charter of government gov-ernment who can come from the reading of the constitution and of the debates which preceded Its adoption without a firm, unshakable belief that it was dl- vlnely inspired. The criticisnT sometimes urged against this view that, far from lo-lng an Inspired document. It was a mere series of i OQiprom.eoS betwe- n fighting men, holding different vlewe and fighting for different principles, is to my mind Rb puerile as It Is unsound. It Is the fact that you did have hostile Interests; Inter-ests; that ou did have mixed councils; coun-cils; that men were fighting for p-Mtv Interests and pettv advantage with all tho skill and adroitness, which exceptionally excep-tionally able men possessed, and yet that out of all that confusion th re arose mi, i, a plan of government as Ire possess, that to me shows most clearly that there must have been the guiding hand of providence over It all. SENATE ACTION ON TREATIES. KTom the time of tho organization of the government under the constitution until the present there have always been occasions Of conflict betwe. n tin- exe. utl' , and the senate arising over the making of treaties. Tim.; and again, as I shall shortly show, the senate has either amended treaties rejected them aito Bother, made reservations to them, or permitted them to die ln Committee rooms. On occasion li has even recalled treaties which It had previously ap-proved ap-proved Time and ugaln the executive haB criticised the wtsaom of tne senate In so exercising Its constitutional function?. func-tion?. It vvould be unnecessary, as well ns a tedious task, to set out all of the m-BtanCOS m-BtanCOS In Which the senate has failed to loiiow the presld. nt in his making oi treaties nut there are a few cases which have touched us at critical periods of our development to which 1 wish to call your attention In some detail. JAY TREATY OF 1794. The first of these was the so-c.illcl Jay treaty, negotiated by loiin Jay in 17K4. Feeung In this country was running high ot that time against Great Britain by the treaty of peace she had and with ail convenient speed, and without causing any destruction or carrying awn-, any negroes or anv other properly ot the American Inhabitants" to withdraNt all rirltisii armies, garrisons, and fleets from the united Siatts. It was alleged that when the British forces left New York In November, I7sj they either too With them or sent In advance some J000 no-gioes. no-gioes. In ITS 4 they stul occupied Ltetroit Mai klnaw, fort Erio (Buffalo), Niagara, Oswego, Oewegatchle, Point au Fer, and Dutchman s Point, We had sent a minister to England at the conclusion of peace to seegrtO adjust .these matters, but he was unable to do so. We finally Induced Britain to send a representative to this country and negotiations nego-tiations wore undertaken with him. But matt-r dragged Communications addressed ad-dressed to him remained unanswered for a yea i, so little did our desires concern ihe mother country. c. ordingiv , In April, 1794, Washington sent to the senate .the name of John Jav, then chief justice of the United States, as envoy extraordinary to Great Britain, . villaining his action by referring to the s. rlous aspect of affairs, and e.vpressing the opinion that elforts ought to bo made to adjust them. Jay s nomination was confirmed by a vote of the senate. It Is worth noting that until the year 1814 it was the rule of the executive, not nlone to submit the completed treaty to the senate for its advice and consent to-ratification, to-ratification, but also to nominate and send to the senate for confirmation those who were to negotiate the treaty. Mr. Jay had scarcely left the I'nlted States for Ureal Britain before the British Brit-ish representative In Canada Incited the .Indians to make war against th- 1 nited States, and three companies of a British regiment actually Invaded the United State.-i and established a fort In what Is now central Ohio. The excuse for this action as that Great Britain was preparing pre-paring for tho war which was coming with the I'nlted States and wished to be fore-armed. From this ou may ju.l. tho delii SCJ of the situation at tho time the Jay treity was. negotiated and signed, and undcr'tii'-ae conditions It was Important Im-portant to actsal peace that any treaty that tvas at all acceptable should be speedily ratified as negotiated, without sending It hack tu Great Britain. Yet In the f.tce of tills situation the senat advised ad-vised and consented to the ratification upon th.- condition that part of one article be suspended (which Great Britain later agreed to) and with a recommendation recommenda-tion to the president that he should un-d un-d ike further negotiations with Qreal Britain looking to the adjustment of certain cer-tain other matters left unprovided for in the treaty. Washington, recognising the correctness correct-ness of tho senate's! action In these matters, mat-ters, Immediate!) proceeded to carry out the measures made necessary by tho senate's sen-ate's action Thus at tho very Inception of our government, gov-ernment, when a now war threatened between be-tween us and tho mother country under instances that would have made the waging of It a serious menace, If not a fatality, to our national existence, the senate of the United States exercised Its constitutional function in advising and consenting to the treaty, by amending the treaty as negotiated by the president and submitted to It for approval. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS in lSSt Tyler concluded the treaty of annexation between the united States and tho then Hepubllc of Texas, and this treaty! Involving the acopilsltlon by the I niie.l Stale; of that immense territory waB submitted to the senate for its ad-' vice and consent The senate discussed tho matter nearly two months and then i olved: "That the senate do not advise and consent to the ratification of tho treaty of annexation concluded between the I'nlted States of AmerUu and tho Republic Repub-lic of Texas al Washington the 12th duv of April. Ml. "Ordered, that the secretary lay the sild resolution boforo the president of the t'nlted States Again In a great and vital matter to the union the senate exercised Its function func-tion of adv islng and consenting, this time noi amending the treat.., but by absolutely ab-solutely i .'fusing Its i onsi nt to Its ratification. ratifi-cation. TREATY OF PEACE WITH MEXICO. I pass next to the treaty of Mexico which ended the war between the I'nlted Btates and Mexico, as ihe result of w hb h we secured almost the western half of th..- I nited States, including tho territory Which Is now our own fair commonwealth. common-wealth. I assume that our friends will not have the hardihood to say that that document v. as not of some Importance, or that 'It did not have some vital bearing bear-ing upon the growth and development of thl great nation. It was negotiated by men who, sent to negotiate a treaty, had been recalled Tilt senate, afl r much debate, finally advised and consented con-sented to the ratification of the treaty, but only after It had Inserted matt-r and taken out matter that in many essential es-sential respects materially altered the meanlmr Of the treaty MEXICAN TRANSIT TREATY. A long senate discussion, which resulted result-ed ln changes both by additions to the treaty and by omissions from the treaty, look place with reference to the treaty of Ihli governing tho question of transit a. rosj tho Isthmus of Tnhuantepec In Mexico, and here again without II being presumed that the senate was exceeding Its rowers In thus dealing with this treaty. There were, of course, as to all thei.- treaties the charge that the sen-ale sen-ale was not acting wisely, but not the charge that It was acting unconstitutionally. unconstitu-tionally. ADJUSTMENT OF WAR CLAIMS WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 1 note, as the next instance, the treaty between th- Inited states and Ureal Britain of 1r.9, which provided for the adjustment ad-justment of claims between the Unlied g ttee and Orcat Britain which arose out of the war of the rebellion Britain had failed t prevent the south from building, fitting out and arming war vessels In her harbors The vessels, escaping to ihe high seas, did enormous damage to American Amer-ican shipping. The feeling in the north ran high ,ftfr the war Knglund at first refused to . discuss her liability for the damage done. We were thrust to the very brink of war. Under these cln utn-RtanCCI utn-RtanCCI we cnt a minister to Kngland who finally succeeded in negotiating a treaty which arranged for some sort of adjustment of union Ions and damage With the peoples In both countries In a state of mind to go to war over It, the treaty was referred to the senate, which, upon careful consideration, found It so generally unsatisfactory that la about one month it was reported out to the senate from committee with the recommendation thai the -.-iia'.- should not advise and ..nxent to lt ratification, and here the . . di. d. Thus again In the face of a great crisis between ourselves and Great Britain, the senate declined to accept thi levv and the judgment of the executive thut the tr. atv submitted was desirable, or the best adjustment that eould le secured, and, with the full appreciation of the evenlualnms that might come from its action rTued to sanction the treaty That In this eas., tho judgment of thu senatl was Infinitely better than that of the executive Is shown by the fact that the treaty of 1871. which was negotiated A iwl lc-ne,l to tnke I h nlnre of the re. Jected treaty, contaJned in it the elements on ac.ount ot thi absence of which the earlier treaty had been rejected There was no suggestion here in this action bv the senate that they were exercising exer-cising other loan their legitimate prerogatives. pre-rogatives. ANNEXATION OF SANTO DOMINGO. Another treaty of great Interest, though not Involving the same serious domeetii situations as those already discussed, was rejected hy the senate This was the treaty for the annexation of Santo Domingo Do-mingo of lS7u. a wisely conceived treaty Which ought to have been ratified, an.i If raffled would have helped to solve one Of the groat problems that Will hereafter confront this country, namely, the problem prob-lem of our coloreri population. FISHERIES TREATIES OF 18S3. The- rejectlon'by the senate of one other treat between ourselves and tjreat Britain Brit-ain during a period of strained relations j between the two countries, throutened serious consequences This was the. flsh-. flsh-. ries treaty negotiated under th ril e -tlon of President Cleveland In From the time of the original treaty of pence hetw.in ourselves and Great Britain th-treat) th-treat) w hl. h rooonnlxed our Independence, there has beon trouble between the two nations regarding the northeastern fisheries; fish-eries; that I-, tho fisheries alone the coast of Labrador, Newfoundland, In the St Lawrence bay and around the coasts of Prince Edward Island and Nova Scotia Time and time again this question fins brought the two countries literally to the Verge of war. It was In on.- of these crises that the treaty of 1SS was noRo-tlited noRo-tlited For reasons which are too long and complicated to be of Interest to us lore, the tfeaty was unsatlsfaetorv to the senate, which thereupon declined to give the necessary advice and consent to Its ratification, although the result was such as to raise eondltlon.-i provocative of the gravest alarm. The senate members v. r not called either Ignoramus. -s, cow ards or persona audaclemsly Impudent KNOX ARBITRATION TREATIES. Two of the most recent occasions of the exercise by the senate of the power of amendment ond two of the most Important Impor-tant were In connection with tho two gr.-at arbitration treaties negotiated by Mr. Secretary Knox, the one wdth Great Britain and the other with France These treaties are the high water marks of the practicable efforts of this government to Increase the field of settlement if International Inter-national disputes by arbitration e friendly discussion When they went bet re the senate, that body, largely hy virtue of the Democratic votes and sentiment therein (and the Democrats acted With practical unanimity In opposition to the treat.ev r.-f'is, , to advise and consent to their rat-IflC'llon rat-IflC'llon except upon terms which robbed the treaties of thos features of progress which had been their distinction. Once m- re the e.xe, littve deprecated the lack of wdsdom of the senate, but did not challenge its constitutional power and authoritv RESERVATIONS TO TREATIES. In a number of treaties there have be. n reservations made Identical In kind and effect with those proposed to the treaty of Versailles Among these-, ln addltPn to those referred to by Senator Knox in hie speech In the senate on October 27, 191?. are the- resolution of ratification by tlo- Hennt.- of the convention for the uc-t- tlement Of International dleputee .signed I at The Hague In 1907, and of the treaty I for the suppression of the African slave trade, signed In 1S90 There are also the r..ilv of peace aii.ll, commerce and navigation with Korea of 18S2. the supplementary supple-mentary Industrial convention concluded In lsfjl. the Algeclraa convention of 1906; the convention concerning tho rights and duties of neutral powers In naval warfare, war-fare, concluded at the second Hague conference con-ference ln 1007. tho convention respecting th.- limitation of the employment of force for the recovery of contract debts, concluded con-cluded at the same conference, the extradition ex-tradition convention with PortugJl of 1908, and the ship canal treaty with Panama of l'.eci RESERVATIONS TO TREATY. In the face of this there can bo no Question but that the senate and the various members of It have not exceeded their constitutional rights or prerogatives in their action with reference to the league covenant; and since wo must thus admit the constitutionality of their attitude atti-tude Am action on this uuc-stlon, we may next consider and In detail the precise things which they hav.- .lone We will consider the reservations ln the order in which thev appear In the proponed resolution reso-lution of ratification This will Inevitably : be a dull .in. I tedious Job. But as no adequate 'mderstandlng of the situation Is possible without a full knowledge of these reservations. It Is believed the time spent will not be without profit By article I of the covenant It la provided pro-vided RIGHT OF WITHDRAWAL. "Any member of the league may. after two years' notlcctof its Intention so to do, withdraw fro mthe league, provide! that all Its International obligations and all Its Obligations under this covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of Its withdrawal." It Is not entirely clear whether undr this provision the Cnlted States would be master of Its own action In withdrawing withdraw-ing from Its league membership, for under the language just eiuoted the question ques-tion of who determines whether our International Inter-national obligations and obligations under the covenant have been fulfilled Is left opon. The question being raised very eiirly In the discussion of the covenant. Mr. Wilson on two occasions stated h'.s understanding of the purport of this part Of the covenant. In his speech at Salt Lake Oily he said: "You know It troubled some of our public pub-lic men because they vvere afraid It was not perfectly clear that we could withdraw with-draw from the arrangement whenev er we wanted to. There is t:o justification for doubt In any part of the language of the covenant on that point. The Fnlted States la at liberty to withdraw at anv time upon two years' notice, the onlv restriction re-striction being that when It withdraws It shall have fiiln"ed Itj International obligations and Itn obligations under tho covenant of tho league, but It Is left to Its own conscience and to no othei tribunal tri-bunal whatever to determine whether these obligations have been fulfilled or not." At Cheyenne he said: I "We can withdraw upon two years' no- i th when we phase. I Mate that with absolutely no qualification." It thus would appear that finder Mr. Wilson's views the United States Itself determines whether or not It la entitled , I to withdraw from the eg(ruc Now, the proposed reservation on this matter reads a follows; "1. Th. United states so understands and construes article I that In case of notice of withdrawal from the league of nations, as provided in fald urtlcle. the United States shall be the sole Judge as lo whet tier all its international obligations obliga-tions and all Its obligations under the said covenant have been fulfilled, and notice of withdrawal by the I'nlted Stairs ma' i.e given by a concurrent resolution of the congress of the United States " The reservation merely declares In positive t.-rms what Mr Wilson said the treaty meant. Can leaguers urge any objection to this provision? Is there any Republican who will stand for less protection than this" RESERVATION ON ARTICLE X. The second reservation has to do with the famous article X, which reads as follows fol-lows . "The members of the league undertake tu r. -ip. t and preserve as against external exter-nal aggression the territorial Integrity and existing political Independenco of ail members of the league. In caso of sAj such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression, tho council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled." The discussion regarding this article Is hinged a no ut two points Klrst, as to how lar under Ii wo might bo obliged to go in guaranteeing, not only the territorial Integrity of Independent states themselves, them-selves, hut also the territorial Integrity of their .-olonlal and other possessions, second, whether or not we would be under any obligation to adopt the means which the council might advise as to the meeting meet-ing of this obligation or whether wo would be at liberty to act as wc might a,. fit km 1 1 ,v,r,t,- . . t - U - w..ii. . "v ' - vi i.i, nic UUIH O I the dlscueslon has turned on the latter point. As to this Mr. Wilson said at Indtanap- ' The council of the league advises what should be done, to enforce the respect for that covenant on tho part of the na- I Uon attempting to violate it, and there Is no compulsion upon us to take that lisl advice oxcept tho. compulsion of our good 1 a DI lenee and Judgment. It Is perfe, t- 1 ly evident that if, in the Judgment oi the people of the I'nlted States the conn-dl conn-dl adjudged wrong and that this was not a case for the use of force, there would be no necessity upon tho part of the congress of tho United ytatea to voto the use of force. But there could be no advice of the council on an such subject without a unanimous vote, and the unanimous vote Includes our own, and If we accepted tho advice we would th accepting our own advice.'' At Helenu he- said: Then comes article ten, for 1 am taking tak-ing ihe questions In the order ln which I they come In the covenant Itself. j There Is tho guarantee of the land j I titles Without that clause, there Is no guarantee of the land titles. Without that clause the heart of the recent war Is not cut out. Then the article ; adds that it snail be the duty of the i I council of the league to advdse the mem- bers of the league what steps may be necessary from tune to time to carry out I this agreement! to advise, not. to direct. Tho congress of the I'nlted States Is Just I as free under that article to refuse lo i declare- war us It Is now, and It Is very much safer than It Is now." om will observe that in each of these j I statements Mr. Wilson has said that ' ongress is under no obligation underwits i covenant to declare war, evon should the i ouni II so advise. : The reservation proposed by the senate I reads as follows- 'The United States assumes no obllga- j I tlon to preserve the territorial Integrity or political Independence of any other I country or to Interfere In controversies between nations whether members of the league or not under the provisions of article ten, or to employ the military or naval forces of the United States un-der un-der anv artb lo of the treaty for any purpose, pur-pose, unless ln any parti, ular case the ' congress which, undor the constitution, has the sole power to declare war or f authorize the employment of the military mili-tary or naval forces of the United States, II shalt by act or Joint resolution so pro- I It Is thus clear that the proposed r. i-ervatlon i-ervatlon merel) declares that the covenant cove-nant means what Mr Wilson says It. means, and this being true. It Is not possible pos-sible to perceive any valid grounds for the president's objections to this reser-j reser-j vatton, because he has Insisted at all ' times that he and the other members I of tpc- "Uig Four" were at one ae to the I 1 principle underlying the treaty. J It appeat-s, however, there le something ' Wrong with the reservation from Mr. 1 I Wilson s viewpoint, as Is evident from his comments at Salt Lake City upon a practically Identic form, whero he said: "That la a rejection of the covenant. That Is an absolute refusal to carry any part of the same responsibility that the b ... 1 1 . . i no mbers of the league carry. Does I the I'nlted States want to bo In on that j apodal footing? ' Let us go into particulars. These I gentlemen ay. vve no noi want inc United .States druv. n into every little European Eu-ropean squabble!' of course, we do not, and under the league Of nations It Is en- j tlroly within our choice whether we wi.l be or not. The normal processes of th action of the league are certainly to be I thla: When trouble arises In the Bal-, Bal-, kans, when somebody sets up a fire j somewhere ln central Europe among those little nations, which are for the time being looking upon one another with a good deal of Jealousy and suspicion, because the passions of the world hav-not hav-not cooled whenever that happens, th-council th-council of the league will confer as to the best methods of putting out the fire. If you want to put out a fire in I tan. vou do not send to Oklahoma for the ftro engine If you want to put out a fire In ii the Balkans, If you want to stamp out the smoldering flame ln some part of central Kurope you do not send to the V T'nlted States for troops. The council of tho league selects the powers which are most readv, most available, most j suitable, and selects them only at their own consent, so that the United States would, In no such circumstances, con-cclvahly con-cclvahly bo drawn In unless the flams spread to the world "There Is no nece-ssltv for the Inst part of this reservation. Every public man every statesman In the world knows, and I ,uv that advisedly, that In order that the United Stales should go to war It Is necessary for the congress to act. They do not have to be told that, but that Is not what this resolution sas. This resolution res-olution savs the United States assumes no obligation under the provisions of article ar-ticle ten to preserve the territorial lu-tegrfty lu-tegrfty or political Independence of any Other country washes Its hands of the whole business says 'We do not want e on to create the presumption that we will do the right thing. We do not want to be committed even to a great principle, prin-ciple, but we want to say that ever' time a case arises the Congress will Independent's In-dependent's take it UP as if there were no covenant and determine whether there Is anv moral obligation and after deter- ii mining thai determining whether it will act 'i;on that morel obligation or not. It wil net.' In other words, that Is an absolute withdrawal from the obligations of article ten. That Is wh I say that It H would be a rejection of ihe covenant and H thereby a rejection of the treaty for he gOJJ treaty' can not be executed without the H covenant. . So there Is an obligation under article ten which Is beyond the reach of con- H cress We are bound to do something whatever the people In their congress H may think. ARTICLE XS COMPELLING MORAL OBLIGATIONS. li It Is moreover Interesting to note that at the conference between Mr. llson PJ and the- comnii'tee on foreign relations on Aucust IS, 1913. the following colloquy took place between Senator Knox and I Mr Wilson- "Senator Knox Mr President, allow me to ask this Question, Suppose that it Is perfectly ohvl.'U.- and aco'p'ed that (Continued on Following Pace.) I I aaaSBBH MAJOR CLARK CONTINUES WAR ON LEAGUE I Upholds the Senatein Refusal to Ratify Pact Compliments Senator Smoot and Urges Necessity of His Reelection Upon the Republican Voters of the Commonwealth (Continued from Preceding Tago.) LLLI Jrhere Is tin external aitjrref iun age H 7Tome power, and ruppose H la pertectly BMMM r'ybvlous and a copied that It can nut lit MMM J'-'repelled except by force of Aim:, would H ' we be under legal obligation to partlci- H Bf "The President No. sir: but we would fl 'mm under an absolutely compelling moral H U7 senator Knox -But no legal ,obllga- Hj fcj? "The President Not as I contemplate H V- It would .seem from this that after all H ,ftwe Are not Heart Whole ond Kancy H Jjjt'ree- under a-tlcle X. that we are ffibound yet bound. It may be that the H Kiemoirkiii mind will have no difficult! H j-rith thi. slipper0 Interpretation of oui H flroullratlon.s under tin- covenant: that such nmmm Hi mind can comprehend the metapbyelcal distinctions here attempted to ho drawn. H Ltut 1 must confer thai IimMiik a mind H I-.ef different mold, 1 am not able to grasp H v the distinctions if I used each arieu- H Jhent, I should be fooling myself w.th LiLiH Sword 5 1 J. in view of all these uncertainties B confusion there an HrjiuWn .m who 1 is wining to have leas prote lion to IKmerlcan freedom and independence than H tUlns proposed reservation k-ies rcgarcing H v&arllcle MANDATE RESERVATION. H IK The next proposed reservation ij the ..iitreaty deals with the nuestion of ruan-mm ruan-mm -updates. This la covered by arlic.e Xxil H nof the treaty -a loiij article H J)nneee.ar here to ijuoli fully paragrai H Kjf "To those colonies and territories Lbbh f"hlch as a conaequence of the late H Knave ceased to be under the sovereignty H them and whh h arc inhabited by peoples H llBot yet able to stund b themselves un- H J'der the strenuous eondit oris of the nud- H .Eprn world, there should b ' :tpoileil the H .jbrlnclple that the well-being and dcvcl- H "opment of aiteh peoples form H "'-Trust of civilisation ami that securities H riWr the performance of this' trust shou'd H be embodied in LeLeB Br The question an ng under tltia article H -4 whether or not f-il.-;:. i-ttcut H Iwb" 'he right to aeiept ;i mandate wt'h- H -tfCut the consent of congress. Mr Wilson B ."appears to have answered Lhls question In L'lhc negative, because, when the supreme H pgounnil offered the Armenian mandate to H 'Svf United St. . Mr. Wilson submitted H proposal eong.-e.. H The propose. 1 saasi i "" N" maml.t'e -hall be sccopled b H I3he I'nlted States under 0 XX If H .swart I, or any other provision of the i H"6ty of peace with Germain H JBctlon of the congrcF of the United j States." H Thus t j oi Mr. H w i . - 1 1 and congress seem to be In har- , wjgy.m Will .:.n p- I's- l"an th DOMESTIC QUESTIONS. H The next proposed reservation deals H Kvlth domestic questions. It is provided I bv article XV of th- coNennnl that 1 If ii.e dispute between the parties-Is H rlalmed by one "f them, 'and Is foun t H Ty the eouBCll. to arise of a matter rh'ch by International law 1-- solely with-H with-H In the domestlr Jurisdiction of that party. H tile council shnlt so report, and shall H rhake nonre. ommendutlori ns to Its aet- I H ' Regardltir Hie meaning of this treatw provision. ;i- Wilson at Soil Ual I 1 l "The doubt aa to whether soiie su- H ;iirior authority t- ur own ongress -could Intervene in matters c f domestlci H " 9bl!cy Is also removed. The language of H - Mho covenant expressly excludes the H jShoritlea of the league from taklns H action or f-Tprrssinjr anv judgment -.it'- .rrcard to domcstb- policies like Imtnicra-:t'on. Imtnicra-:t'on. like nBliiralt-s.-.tlon. like the tariff. .Jlko all of Ihope thincs which !;:ive lain B tit the center so often of our political H itctlon and of our choice of pollcj H 'fr In Spokane hi- said: & "Rut there Is the question of .some- 1 sbodv Interfering with the domestic pol- i'!es of the I'nlted States Immigration. H 'naturalliAtlon tariffs, matters of that H attrt. There, again. T cannot understan i Jbr feel th- w. iht of the dirfieulty, be-fl be-fl tin eovt nn'nt ravs that if an in- Ssmattonal difficulty Is brought under Xiscusston and on of the part in claims ' Kd the council finds that It is a matter H of domestic furls Met '.on. the council shall j.eeasc to discuss It and shall make no re- H port about It. The only way you could r...kc- the do-ume-it more clear would tc L' anjimtratlng the domestic questions o" hud in tnlnd. Vary wen. i ask anv B .ifawM-rs here If that would be safe' flight ou not be In danger of leaving out 1 .Vomclhing" Might you not he In "ianger gg not mentioning something t hat would B afterward becorr.e Important"' H i lie made remarks to the same Import "fei Helena. San I 'lego an I at Cheyenne H At Omaha lie use) this language: H mtr ' '"' ',,rlh matter that they are con- .Terne.i about is domestic questions so fniey want to put in reservation Enumerating certain questions as domea-ti' domea-ti' questions which ever) tody on tioth HI aides of oi HkV questions. That , seems to me. to sa mic least, to be a' work or supererogation. BBP R does not seem to me necessary to Beclf what everybody admits, but the HH Sere so careful I believe the word used IP e 'meticulous' that Jhey want to HHl Ait In what la clearly Implied in tbe B whole InMrumen' HBV S. The propone J reservation on doiv.e.itlc HftV rjiie.lons !s couched In the following lan- Bfl St'"- The tTnlted Stales reserves to It- BBVJ Bf ex luslvely the right to decide what lloni ire within Its domestic jurls- (). tlon unl declare that all domestll Hftfl r -1 i.oli'i-al question relating whoin or BBVJ S part to Its Internal affairs. Including Immigration, labor, coastwise truffle tiic Hftfl iSriff. commene. the suppreaslon or Tniffft In women and children and in HH opium and other dangerous drugs, and slm other domestic question are solely Hj vrithin the Jurisdiction of the United H States and are not under this tresg) to hr submitted in any way either to srbl-HBH srbl-HBH la'ioii or to tlir consideration of the HftV r-oun. ll or of the aEaeinbly of the lesjgui HftV uf nations, or anv agen- thereof, or to Bb flu' decision or recommendation of an Kher power." BBBJ 1 hus Mr. Wilson's general views or HftV llo treaty and the senate's views again fl cotr.rldc. and no reason Is per e., , ,j wpy HftV Cs si-.ould liave objected to this reservi - HftV i.oi. even 'hough the senate were . "meticulous ' In their altitude. Will any publican question the senate's wisdom HHJ this point? - In otner speeches, however, he n.lro-HbI n.lro-HbI Q-.iceC a note of uncertainty that Is most Sjaquleting. For example, at St, Paul "N'nthlng can be diaccsse-l ihere That HBV .v.n- r.-n- our domestic affairs N'othine Hi Sn"'. dlscusse. then- thai concerns 'hi- 4onic 1 1, affairs of anv oiher people; un-H un-H it soaiethlng Is occurring In some na- H Kn which la likely to disturb the peace df the world, and any time that anv Siestion arises which Is likely to dls-Bb dls-Bb euro the pea. e of the world, than the i c" eJiant rnake It the rlgiit of anv mem-HH mem-HH strong or weak; big or tittle, of B 'vft universal concert of nations tu bl Dg B (fiat matter up for clarification and dls- JKvsjOll Coi ou Imagine an.', thing more calculated to put war off. not onlv to put it off. but to make It vlolcntlv Improbable" Improb-able" Or. In other words. It would seem that according to his view. If a cttmcKtic question ques-tion "Is likely to disturb ehe peace of tin world." t-hen and In that event hl domestic question does become subject to the jurisdiction of the league, no matter mat-ter what th- character of the question might be. As showing Just how far Mr. Wilson, Wil-son, considered this principle would run. we may quote his language at Taromu, where he said "Wherever there an- oppressed nations, wherever there are suffering populations, vvhercvn: there Is a sntolderlng flame, the I rouble: n be uncovered and brought to the bar of mankind anfMe whole InfTuenct or public oplmorBFi hr- worl.l over will be brought 'to near upon It. It Is the greaicst process of International conference and of International discussion discus-sion ever concelvad. ant that I what wn arc trying to substitute for war That Is what we must substitute for war." . If the principle he here announce- ha- any meaning at all, It means that the question whether or not I'orto Bled should remain n part of the United states, or become a part of some other i ointry, or become Independent. Is not a domestic question concerning bc ' L'nited Stales alone, bul is an international interna-tional question that might be brought l..-r.;rc tl S leag-..- Instrumentalities for . tn-lsion. Tbe samS remark is true a:- to a movement for Independence by Hawaii. I or bv t)ie Philippine-. i That Mr Wilson has In thesf- ipeecbea i really voiced the true putport of article i xv, ,'iti ihut. after all therefore, uo- nich'tl.- .jues'.lons are within the purview I ol tlis league, buds confirmation In the v.u-, In whii-ii the .valand Islands dispute j has Leen handled bj th. council; for then-, tun will recall.' toe question of ! whether or not these island?, which for I 100 years had been rcsartbd us pari of ' Kin. and. should still continue ti be part i of Finland or become a p rt i f Sweden s i ; I heir lnhubitants dsslrej has I wii de-j ' cared by the counc'l to be not a domestic' I question, but nn International question I I Is there s fely for America under thi' , principle which Ml Wilson espoused? will any Republican deny that we ought. io .tiara .iitmi vuvn iiuwuuuj ( MONROE DOCTRINE. The next reiservatlon deal with the I I Monroe doctrine. The treaty provisonl covering this reads: "Nothing In this 'o'enam shall be deemodHo xffel the validity of International Interna-tional engagements, such as trestles or arbitration or regional undcr-Tandings like the Monroe doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace." x i Tl.erc arc a number of pitfalls In this! treaty provision. In, the first place, the Monroe doctrine is not. and cannot oe. If I we arc to preserv e li Intact, If It is tjo the purp isc for which It wjs framed , and announced, an ' international engage. ' merit." In the ni I place, II is nol a regional understanding." It is nothlni I ut aioiiev ! of the I'nlted s:al.'v and. vviil'e the policy I affe.-ls a region, that policy I without limitation, save as we jmpogt li. and Is not anil mufi not become an ' understanding under-standing I Ijvstly. it never wos a policy "for I curing tin- inslnlenanre of peace." lt ; was a policy dir-lgned to protect us fro n ISui vj" aggression, and relates njs much I lo Cggression through pea eful means as to aggression by force The mere keeping keep-ing of the peacu hail nothing to do wltn the doctrine. In commenting upon Ihll provision. Mr. W'l'non said' at Tacomn "too are told, my fellow 11 Irons It Is amaslhg that anybody shoura rav it thai I the covenant does not satisfactorily recx-nize recx-nize the Monroe doctrine. It say In so many words that nothing In that covenant shall be construed as Impairing the valit-lty valit-lty of the Monroe doctrine ", A4 Omaha he wild: "Tin . do not Ilk- the w ii ihe Monrbo -doctrine is mentioned. Well1, I wo"ld not i stop on a question of style. The. Monroe doctrine Is adopted. It is swallowed hook. I line and sinker, and. being carefully di- I gested into the central organism of the whole Instrument, I do riot care what language they use about It The language lan-guage is entire satisfactory so far as i understand tin Kr.glirh language. That puzzles me, my fellow citizens. The English Eng-lish language ieems to have sot smie new meaning s:nc 1 studied It that i bothers these gentlemen. 1 do not know j what dictionaries they report lo. I do I not know what manuals of conscience J thev- can possibly resort to The Monroe r doctrine Is bxpresslv authenticated In this document, for the first lime In history, by all the great nations ft the world, and it j was put there at put reqsicst." 1 Mr 'llji .n made similar statements in DCS Molhasi Helena, Reno, !?all l.ake and At Spokane, however, he made a tate-ment tate-ment which possibly explains his difficult In Paris In providing some protection as 1 to the Monroe doctrine, as also the dir.i- ' OUlty which he has ever slme had In talk- I ing about it. J Me stated: ' I did fr while I was In Parts to 3e- fine the Monroe doctrine and get it writ- i ten Into the document, but I will ijonflde ' t.i o,i in confidence that when I tried to I define it I found that It escaped analysis, that a)l that you could say was. that It was principle with regard to the Inter- I ference of forelgn powers In the politics of the western hemisphere, which the T n 1 1 - I Sts fell al hberty to apply In any circumstances where Tt thought It pertinent. That Is not a definition. 1 have made a great rnanv peaches In my life, perhaps too inanv . but I do not think that 1 ever put so much of what T hope was the beat In rne as I put In the speech In the conferen S on the league of nations In favor of the Monroe do -trine, and It was upon that occasion that It was embodied. And we I have this extraordinary spectacle, of the world recognizing the xalidlty of the Monroe doctrine. Act these gentlemen s-eeni to want something more What more could vou get- Shall wc get them to express ttulr belief In the deitv of the Monroe doctrine?" At San rrancls'O he seems to have on ceded lhat t.ie senate might clarify the treat, provision If It needed It although al-though ne deprecated any effort so to u and strongly Intimated that to do so was quite unnecessarv He salJ "Rut they say. 'We want 'the Monroe doctrine more distinctly acknowledged ' I Well. If I could have found language lhat ! was more distinct than that used 1 should have been very happy to suggest It. but It says In so many words lhat nothing In lhat document ahull be construed a affecting the validity of tbe Monro- doctrine doc-trine do not ice what more It could say: but. as I say. If the lear can be clarified. I have no objection to Its being clarified. The meaning Is too obvious to admit of discussion, and 1 want you to I realize how extraurdinarv that provision provi-sion Js." The language of the proposed reservation reserva-tion reads "o. The I'nlted States will not submit sub-mit to arbitration or to inquire bv the assembly or b the council of the league of nations, provided for In said treaty o( peace, any questions which In the Judgment Judg-ment of the I'nlted states depend upon or relate to Its long-established policv i-ommftnly knove'n .im the Monroi doctrlni i;ald doctrine Is to be interpreted by the United States alone and is hereby declared de-clared to be wholly outside the Jurisdiction Jurisdic-tion of said league of nations and entirely unaffected by anv provision contained In the said treat;, of peace With dermany." So that here again there appears to be no substantial difference between what Mr. Wilson says the treaty article means and what the senate declares It to mean, because If It is "swallowed hook lino and sinker." It ha;' been taken It is a matter of pure morlca n policy. If, therefore, it does mean merely what Mr. Wilson seems to think It means. It Is most difficult to understand why he should object to this clarification, which he said albeit rather grudgingly, might lie indulge. I in by the senate Here again shall any Republican say that we shall not protect, by even.- possible possi-ble means at our command, the Inviolability Inviola-bility of the Monroe doctrine, which for now luo searh ha been one of the great guarantees of our natlcnnl existence? SHANTUNG RESERVATION fi Articles i'IAI. CI'VIl and i LVlll. Qcrmanyrenounces In favor of Japan all her rights, title, and privileges, partioi-larlj partioi-larlj those concerning railways which she had acquired from t'hina under her treaty of March 6. 1S9R, In the province of Shan-lung. Shan-lung. Japan also nccured under the same articles certain submarine cable rights, as well as the movable and Immovable prop-criv prop-criv owned bj the German st&tjci From the very beginning these article were the subject of sharp attack on tin-pan tin-pan of thuse who looked with disfavor upon a piecemeal dismemberment Of China, as also upon the acquisition of ihia territory by Japan. None of the treaty provisions called fortli more bitter opposition oppo-sition than did this It will be recalled' that theie developed nt Pa:l a iiffei-n. of opinion between Mr. Wilson on il" one hand and his three plenipotentiary as- ! alstants on. the other, namely, M (STS Lansing and white and General Bliss; as to the propriety or necessity of gilti; thrse right In Chinese territory to Japan. It has been said It was finally determined deter-mined to let Japan have the territory in consideration of Japan s withdrawing her Insistence for a recognition of the doctrine doc-trine of race oquallt) Whatever the real facts were. Jaian emerged from the peace conference with German r,ght;; In Shan- tung. Mr. Wilson har. told u?. however, I that he does not approve of this settlement. settle-ment. When speaking :i t . I m s Moines he said: "There 19 the Seltleni-nl. Will' Il v oil have heard so much dtSCU88ed about that rich and ancient province of Shantung in China. I do not like that settlement anv letter than you do, but these were ihc , circumstances: , rh order to Induce Japan . j lo ooopcr.ile In the war and clear the i Pacific of the German power. ISngland, ami subsequently France, bound thcin-' thcin-' selves, without any qualification, to se. to il that Japan got anv thing In Chins that Germany had. and that Japan would! take it away from her, upon the strength I of which promise Japan proceeded to take Kiaochow and occupy the portions of Shantung province whlcb had bei i l i bv China for a term of years lo Germajl) The mosl that could be got out ol it was lhat. in view of Ihe fact that Am. pica had nothing to do with It. the Japanese were ready lo promise that they would give up every llem of sovereignty which Germany would otherwise have Vnjoyed In Shantung province, and return It without with-out restriction to China, and that thev would retain In the province only the economic concessions such as other nations na-tions already had elsewhere. In China though yon do not hear anything about that concessions In the runway and the mines which had become alia- bed lo the railway for operative purpo ei In Om.'ilm he said I have frankly said to my Japanese colleagues In the conferen... and therefore there-fore I can without Impropriety t-ay It hero, that I was very deeply dlsaatlsnsd with that part of the ireaui Rut. inv fellow c'.tlzens, Japan agreed at that very time, anil as part of thl understanding upon which those clauses were put into the treaty, thai she would relinquish every Hem of sovereignty that Germany had enj.-yed in China, and that she would retain only what other nations hav. .-.e-Where in China, certain economic con- I cessions with rrsrurd to the railway ami i the mines, which she was to operate un- I der a corporation and Midfeet in th- laws of China, as I say, I wish she could havi done uior-- At Salt ltke Cllv he made the following follow-ing observations: "E'y being purtles to that arr.i: g. men I We can insist upon the promise of Japan the promise which the other govt li-ments li-ments have not matched that she will return to China Immediately all sovereign rights within the province of Shantung " And lo the- same Import were his remark re-mark In Rcr.o Cheyenne an. I -;; ,if-geh ,if-geh It thus appears that nobody Is satls-rled satls-rled with this treaty provision, and It also appears that Japan has given some sort of q promise to give up or to relinquish relin-quish certain rights which sin-.l' supposed sup-posed to pnscMs m Shantung. It would be an Interesting diversion to follow out In some UetHii just what the promise she has made means If w bad tin promise, but this has never been given to the American Ameri-can people. :,nd therefi!, thb diyer.-lou becomes Impossible. Having in inln.l this promise of unknown un-known terma and specifications having In mind Its own dlidikc for the tri provisions, and having also in mind Mr Wilson s expressed dislike for these provisions, pro-visions, the senate proposed the following reservation to those provisions of the tre.itv "The I'nlted States withholds Its assent to articles 156. 167 and 158. and reserves full liberty Cf action with respect ro an controvers) which may arls undci ild articles." It Is difficult, therefore, to understand in Just what way there cnuld he an- serious seri-ous objection to th. s. pn ,, ,. , , . Van of Mr. Wilson in (rlcw ol what b. has said. But perhaps the leaguers are willing to undertake also to e.xnlain Mi Wilson's trouble on this point. AMERICArT REPRESENTATION ON LEAGUE AND TREATY BODIES. The treaty provides not alone for Amor-lOin Amor-lOin -ec-eFentatlon In the council and In Ihe ass. , ,bly on the l-ague. wilb pOSSlbli representation or membership on sthei league Instrumcnlalttles. bnt there nr. a great number of commissions of which by tbe terms of ihe treaty Itself, we nr."-hiade nr."-hiade members For eyampb- there are five boundarv commissions, of which ih. 1 tilted states is a puny under th- treat' namely, boundary commissions for BeU glum. Cze.ho-Slovakla I'oiaml and hrhiowig wA .r b treatj members of three plebiscite Commissions that is for upper S.le la C - f Prussia and S.'-i ,. W-f..' Ur' me,ml,er ot three permanent military comimts'.ons ormv navy and air which are charged with the supervision super-vision of the enforcement of, the military provisions of the treaty. In addition lb that, we wc.uld be a member of the re Da-ration Da-ration commission w.- 1r. u . IIMd(.'r ., duty by the treaty to arbitral.- certain qutstlons between France and iJermanv as to the taking over b, .'r.,nc.- oi Rhine Veiatets. and also the German docks and t-rminal facilities at Ainsterdum A ira.lng out pf the powers of th.. commissions would show an Infmifv t trouble possibilities. thai It is if Lhs most vUai Importance that Imerics should be nroperly represented on thm But beyond that It Is most essential that we should, h,. prr,h , , on the council ami in the aaaembli Si - cause, as Mr Wilson said at Indian.., -ohf. (erroneoual) so far as unantmlti Is loncernedj. apeak'ng of the obligation of the I'nlted Slates f, furnish ar.n'd force under our treaty commitments under un-der article ten. "But there could be no advu,- 0f u,0 council on any such subject without a unanimous vqir. and the iinmifmous vote includes our own, and n we uc- i ptrl toe advice we would be accepting our own advice." He had previously expressed Ihe sUme view in a confsrence which lie bad ..r, August 19. igifi with ihe senate .ommi-fee .ommi-fee on foreign relations: speaking ..f Ka same oinl the obligation to furnJsh armod forveN under ant. I. ten he said-. We ar., first, fre.e to exercise It (our judgment i In the Ate of our represen-atlve represen-atlve on the council, who will, of course. act under Instructions from the home government, and, in the second place, we are t,, excrclBC It when the president, acting upon the action of the council, makes his recommendation to '-onrreq. Then, congress Is to exercise Its Judgment Judg-ment as tu w nether or not the instructions instruc-tions of the executive to our member I Of th- Council were well-founded, and j whether the case Is one of distinct nuiml obligation " The senate considered that, in view of these far-teaching functions, it should be made certain that proper men went to Europe to act and speak for us. The constitution says thai the president presi-dent ":.hall nominate and by rvnd with the advice and consent nf the senate, shall appoint all other officers pi I the I'nitell States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for. and which shall be established by law." With all of tle foregoing In mind the senate proposed w this reservation: "No person is or shall be authorize I to represent the i'nlted States, nor shall any clllzert oft the United States be eligible, as a member of anv body or agsntiy established or authorized by said treats Of peace with Germany, except pursuant to an a I of congress of the I'nitt I Mates providing Tor his appointment appoint-ment and defining his powers and Bu-tles." Bu-tles." I li is 'difficult to perceive on what ground Mr. Wilson could object to this reservation. Which merely provides that tio- regular . onsilt nf lona order shall be followed wltrv- referem e to our representation represen-tation on the league, and on the various treat commissions. Shrill any Republican say, having in mind all the troubles our representatives have brought upon us In the lust months, that anything Fhort of this reservation I will even approach our proper protec- I lion? UNITED STATES IMPORTS AND EXPORTS Bj the- terms of the treaty, a gie.it reparations commission la set up n. .'n, annex ), i be composed of rep-reseui.it: rep-reseui.it: - . Si tin- t nited States, Great Unialn. France and Italy, the delegates of Belgium,-Japan and Jugo-Slavia having hav-ing tights to sit In when their Interests; w re Involved. 'fills commission, acting without settled set-tled code of law or rules, with no rules! of evidence or procedure, has almost plenary power over German production i and export, In I idlng, In some essential matters, power lo designate countries to which exports shall go. By paragraph 12 of th!s annex It to provided: " "The commission shall have all the powers Conferred upon it. and shall exer-1 i is all t he -funct Ion J assigned to It. by I he present treaty. The commission shall In ceneal have Wide latitude as to Its control and han-dllm; han-dllm; or the whole reparation problem as dealt with ill linn part of the present treat and shah have authority to Interpret In-terpret It.s provisions Subject to h provision of the present treaty, ihe Kommbslon is constltjutcd bj the several allied and aSSDCiatOQ governments referred re-ferred to In paragraphs 2 ancL3 above as the exclusive agency of the said govern- i ments respectively for receiving, selling, I holding and distributing the reparation payments' to be made bj Gtrinartj under lhls part of Ihe present treaty. " ComiiicntinK upon llv powers of the' reparations conVmiaslon with reference to the rehabllitatfon of licrmanv mdus- I trlally and commercially. Mr. Wilson said at St. Louis "Not onlv- that, but some of you gentlemen gen-tlemen know that we ' used to have a trade with Grmanv. All of that trade Is going lo pe in the bands and under j the control of the reparations commls- I The reservation proposed bv the senate sen-ate to meet this farreaching situation reads., "The T'nited State? understands that the reparation ommisslon will regulate or interfere with exports from the I'nlted Stales to German)', or from Ger-mnny Ger-mnny to the l'nllexl S'stes. only when tbe I'nlted States by act or Joint resolution reso-lution of the cangreaa approves such regulation reg-ulation or Interference Having In mind the views of Mr. Wll-Boh Wll-Boh regarding domestic (tuestions and our right ourselves to regulate our exports and Imports, it ;. difficult to understand on What ground the leaguers can object j t.. tits reservation. Perhaps thev- can explain this alfc Nd Republican will. I feel sure, complain of It. EXPENSES OF THE LEAGUE. I Article XVI contains the provisions provi-sions regarding economic boycott acralnst I league members a,ul others In order to compel them lo observetheir covenants under the league, and stipulates for the ' f armed forces should the boycott I prove Insufficient. It Is further provided pro-vided as follows. . "The member n of the league .-igrec. further, that thev will mutually support another In tbe financial aud economic measures which arc taken ur.der this article. ar-ticle. In order lo minimise the loss and Inconvenience resulting from ihe above measures, and lhat (hey will mutually Mipport one another in resisting any special spe-cial measures aimed at one of their number num-ber by the covenant breaking states, and that they will take ihe necessary steps to afford passage through their territory to tlin forces of any of the members of the league which are cooperating to protect the covenants of the league." It is unnecessary to provide any argument argu-ment to Show that the financial obligation obliga-tion Imposed by this particular treaty stipulation might become anpalling'y great, for no one can guess the extent of the "fLnanciSl and economic measures" meas-ures" which mlqht result f.-oin the enforcement en-forcement of this treaty article. It i3 provided In article I. section 9 clause T of the Constitution of the Culled States, that "No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but In consequence of appropriations made by law." In view of the misunderstanding which we are told the nations of the world entertained en-tertained as to the poWcrs of our federal fed-eral executive In the conduct of inUr-national inUr-national relations tfor an argument-sometimes argument-sometimes heard In favor of the lcam is that the president having signed the treaty of Ver allies, the senate Is under obligations to advise and consent to its in- to enter the league, it shall he die-tlnctly die-tlnctly understood that only congress can appropriate money Accordingly, the senate sen-ate proposed the following reservation: "The I'nlted States shall not be obligated obli-gated to contribute lo any expenses of the league of nations, qr of the secretarial, secre-tarial, or of any commission, or committee, com-mittee, or conference, or other agency, organized under the league of nations or under the treaty or for the purpose of carrying out the treaty nrov'nlons. un'e-.-s and until an appropriation of funds available for such expenses fhall have been made by the congress of the United States pro idedi that the foregoing limitation lim-itation shall not apply to the Cnitcd States' proportionate share of the expenses ex-penses of the office fojee and salary of the secretary general." I.eaguers must tell us why If we are to dc-al In honesty and frankness with tho other nations of the -world, a provision pro-vision of this sort, which merely restates re-states the principles of the Constitution, u not entirely proper and evefi neces-sarv neces-sarv LIMITATION OF- ARMAMENTS Cnder rticU VIM of the covenant of the league it is provided: "The. members of the league recognize that the maintenance of peace requires i i eduction of national armaments to' the lowest point coniiatenl with national i .i f. lv and the . nfot ( nu ni by common Si lion of International obligations. w 'The council taking accouni of trre geographical siti nflon and oircumslancec of ea. h elate, shall formulate plans for iuch reduction for the consideration and action of the several governments. 1 "Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration recon-sideration and revision at least every ten years. ' After these plans shall hav heen adopted by the several governments the lin-.lls of armumcnts therein fixed shall not be '- ,-.-.ed without the concurrence of the council." Without entering , Into any extended ai-eomcnt as to the meaning of thin provision. pro-vision. It may be w-ell lo point out that, our armament once becoming fixed under the provision, we cannot, no matter what the .vii.-. n. v f fn in time of threatened or actual war. Increase the size of our army or navy without the consent of Ihc council. No scheme more threatening lo our Independent t could be oncocted than this Moreover under the constitution l Article Ar-ticle I. section V clause I3, It Is provided pro-vided that congress has power and this means has the onlv power under th n- mtutmn to raise nml support armies to -provide and maintain a nnvv ' To put. therefore; in the hands of an extraneous governing body the power to say when and under what cotiillllons we shall Increase our army add nav y Is ear-ly ear-ly contrary lo the fun-la niqrrfai provisions of the constitution. Acodrillnnl v. It was necessary. If Ihe const Wot Ion Is to bo preserved, pre-served, that some reservation be made lo thl provision In'order to safeguard our independence of t 'vernminl To accomplish this the senate proposed the following reservation: "No lAnn for the limitation of arma- meiit!! proposed by the coum II of lue league bf nations under the provisions of Article Vl H,,Mt be held as blndinc the I 'nited States until the ame shall have been accepted by congress, and the United Slates reserve tbe rlvrht to In. -rear.. Its armament without the consent of the council whenever th.- United States is threatened with invasion or engaged In war." Shall any Republl. an challenge the wisdom wis-dom or necessity of this reservation? AMERICAN RELATIONS WITH NATIONALS NA-TIONALS OF COVENANT-BREAKING STATE It Is provided In Article XIV of the treaty that: J ' Should any rpenibcr of the league resort re-sort lo war In disregard of Its covenants under Articles XII, XIII or XV. Il shall I ipso facto he deemed to have committed 1 an act of war against ail other members I of the league, which ltcreby undertake j Immediately to subject it tb Die severani c j of all trade or financial rmatlons, the prohibition pro-hibition of all Intercourse Between) their nationals and the nationals of t.-.e covenant cove-nant -bcrakitig state, and the prevention' of all financial commercial or personal Intercourse between the nationals of the cover . nn -i reaking state and the nationals of anv other state, whether a member of the league or not. It shall be the duty o.' the council In such case lo recommend to tin- several1 governments concerned what effective military, naval or air force the members! of the league shall severally contribute to 1 the arnjfd forces to bo . a.ed to protect! the covenants of tbe league It Is worth while to again quote here I the observations of Mr W'tl.son as lo the meaning of this ecoliumx bovcott pro- j Vldcd in this part of the treat At St, Louis he dd "We boycott them Just so soon OS that is done they cannot !,'.:m cargoes i our or receive them shipped in Thej ' cannot yend a lele graphic message, They cannot send or receive a letter. NolroJy can leave their territory and nobods i.in enter t.n-lr territory Thev arc absolutely absolute-ly boycotted by the rest of mankind. 1 do not think lhat after lhat remedy It will he neresairv to do ,ir.v fichtlng at all. What brought Germany to her knees was, riot only the splendid 'fighting of the Incomparable men who met her armies, but tiiat her doors were locked and she could not get supplies from any part of the world. There were a few doors open, doors to some Swedish ore. for example, that siio needed for making munitions, and that kept her going lor a time, hut the Swedish door would be shut this time. There would ui be anv door opon. and that brings a nation to Its senses, just as! suffocation removes from the individual all Inclination Lo fight. "That Is the league of nations nn agreement to arbitrate or discuss and an agreement that If you do not arbitrate or discuss yoli shall be absolutely boycotted boy-cotted nnd starved out. There Is hardlv J a European nation rnv fellow citlzcn-i. that is of a fightlns Ir.cUnation which has enough food to eat without Importing food i and It wll be a very persuasive argument i lhat it has nothing lo eat because vou cannot fight on an empty stomach any i more than you can worship on an empty stomach." At Ties Moines he spoke upon the samel matter In the following language: j "It dop not provide that there shall I bosajrar, On the contrary It provides for something very much more effective lha.'i "i n uiwyiun noil ciiai nation, inai cQvenapt-breaking nation, shall be absolutely ab-solutely cut off from Intercourse of evejv KiimI with (he other nations of the world that no merchandise shall be shipped our of it or Into It; lha no postal message shall o Into it or come xout ot it; that no telegraphic messages shad cross Us borders, and lhat the ctisens of the other member stater, shall not be permitted to have any Intercourse or transactions whatever with its citizens, or Its citizens with them There is nol a single nation in Europe that can stand that boycott for six months. There la not a single nation in liurope that Is eelf-sufflt Ing In its resources of fooJ or anything else that can stand for six months And In those circumstances we are told that this covenant istu covenant of war. It Is the most drastic covenant of peace that was ever conceived, and its processes are the processes of peace." 1 shall pass by more mention of this hlghl) lauded method of bringing your enemy to his knees by starving the hclp-IcSS hclp-IcSS women and children of the nation. That may be, according to the standards stand-ards of some, a more humane method of bringing an enemy to .subjection than by fighting bravely man to man. and leaving the women and children alone, bul It does not so appeal to me. 1 called attention, however, to w.-.at such an undertaking ml thin which Mr iion describes would mean, is anybody any-body so confiding os lo suppose that ir treat Britain wore, thr atened with such an economic boycott she would quietly sit still in her boundaries, and permit the world to starve her out while her great sea fleet floated at it moorings'' fa It to be supposed that Grftit Mrltain would peacefully permit her trade with IhSS great self-governing luioiiics t.. e so cut off without even rfftempt'.ni to slriUo a blow" If there he any who think that Britain are made of that sort of flesh and blood, I suggest they reread re-read their histories I can conceive of nothing which, would more certainly bring a nation of men to the highest fighting frenzy; 1 can con-cccn con-cccn of nothing that would lead the stalwart stal-wart manhood of a nation to greater ur-c-u p in iiriuinin .vou v mor wiiin inia threat to starve their women and children. chil-dren. I can conceive of nothing that would cause s nation of real men to break beyond tho bounds of 11. and to r.eize from adjacent territories hII that was necessary neces-sary to sustain their national life, than this threat of famine, with Its track of pestilence and death. So we may dlsmls any Idea that this Is a thing to be carried through peacefully. peace-fully. . Moreover. thl provision of the treaty scraps some of the greatest principles ol International law because as the treaty i Is written it applies not alone to enemy nationals residing In rhelr own U rt-tories. rt-tories. but to enemy nationals residing In our territories and In tbe territories of every other nation under tne sun. We have man treaty provisions, and they but express the advanced rule or International law that enemy nationals in our own country are to have the r:cht lo carry on tbclr own commercial business busi-ness here In spite, of tbe Wat, Dur Internment In-ternment of enemy jcrmane and Aus-irlan Aus-irlan during the recent war. however necessary and wise It may have been, was contrary to our treaty provisions with tJermanv. i opcluded by trie two Countries to cover mis precise situation, and contrary con-trary to tiie gcno-al modern practice ol nations op to this time. In orderyto safeguard these principles of International Interna-tional law. the senate propose! the following fol-lowing reservation- lo this article: 'The United States reserves the right to permit . In Its discretion, the nationals Ol o covenant-breaking slate, as define l in article t of the covenant of tne league of nations, residing within the l'n,te. jr l . o- in -ein'.rle- .,'..- Ulan such covenant-breaking slatr to continue con-tinue their commercial, financial and personal relations with the nationals of the I'nlted States Shalt any ttepublican don we oir;ht not so to revivify a scrapped principle ot international laW; so to protect our selves against an obligation the extent of whjch no man can s,-eil oui? ALIEN PROPERTY CUSTODIAN. Hv article CCXCyn id I of the treaty It was provided. In effect, that nM acts of the alien property custod.an were be considered ilnal and binding upon u 1 1 persons." i ais provision whs amplified ampli-fied In 'article vcxcvM1, annex para graph Its purpose, so far a. we In thj United States are concerned, was to validate vali-date 'V.-ry a of Mr l'a'mT a open property custodian. IrrcspoeM-e , whs I thsi T-t was. or WhoM rights were affected. af-fected. It w lh be ri cil'i I that Mr Palmer s actions frequently hid far-reaching far-reaching ond disastrous effect- upon Vmerlcari rights, and Ihcn- are ufn lent Instances on record Where native-born cltlnen.i of thi t'nl'ed State' Ca 'gilt i.i Germans al the outbreak of the war and unable to return here dur nr; the v i.- h Id all their property iii Obrmanj taken over by thn German alien property custodian on tn- grreind of tr Amer'can cltlgen--hlp of such persons, and all triflr properly prop-erly In the I'nlted Slates takers bv Mi Palmer on rite' ground thot they by rS-udlng rS-udlng In Germany were to rfcl Intent! ' and purposes enemies. This treit.- pro.I-lon. pro.I-lon. If adopted, would have validated nil such of Mr Palmer's actions. Accordingly, According-ly, the senate rroposed the following reservation res-ervation . Nothing In nrtlcicn CCXCVI. CCXCV11, or In nny of the annexes hcr-Jto or In j any tithe article, cection nr annex of the I treatv of peace with Germany sia!l. tr I against citizens of the I'nlted Ststes. l I taken to mean any . onrtrmatlon. ratifies- Lion or approval of an- a t otherwise -legal or In contravention of the rlghl.s o' citizens of the I'nlted States." LsSgUsn may tell us whe this provision Is not entirely In accord with the fundamental funda-mental concepts of American constltu tlonal principles. LABOR ORGANIZATION The next reservation re'ates io tha I par; of the treaty of Versailles wh c ' provides for a groat superlabor organiz-i- tlon to control the labor world. Th j scheme Is ambitious. It hns ioirle lofty 1 phrasing, nut In essence is ln!iultous be- yond measure to the cviuiiv of labor Itself, It-self, particularly to the cause t Amcr-Ican Amcr-Ican lavor. Mr. Wilson repeateipv spoke of it as tin- Magna! harti or la or buj if ir Is followed out It will prove 'ator's Waterloo. Appreciating this, the senate proposed the following reservation "The United .state withholds its assan: to part 13 tartlcles CCciXXXVIl to CC CXXVIi, inclusive) c.nle.ss ongre by act or joint resolution sholl lu-rea't u make provision for reprfesentgtlOQ in the orcitiijtloti entabllshed ry r-al I part 1 :. and In such . event the participation of die utilted States will be governsd and conditioned by the provisions of such act or joint resolution." No Republican laborer can afford to vote against any man who has sou?ot in this way to protect American laior from th-domlnation th-domlnation of the la 1 or of Kurope. BRITISH SIX VOTES Under the terms of die tovenant of the league of nations Groit Britain and her self-governing colonies have six votes to our one. I have nlready covered th s mnl-ter mnl-ter in other talks, and will not repeal the statements berf To eorre-t this inequality, the scnal-' proposed the following reservation "Cntll part I being tbe covenant of the league of nations, shall be so amended amend-ed as to provide that the l ulled sti'ter shall bo entitled to cast a number of votes equal to that which anv member Of the league and Its self-governing don iu-lons, iu-lons, colonics, or jvan of empire, in the aggregate shall be entitled to cott. '.he l riled v a'.. . as:imts no oi llga tio.i to bo bound, except In cases where congress has previously given Its consent, by any election, decision, report or finding of th council or assembly Ircwhlch anv member of th. lenij. ,-jnd lis self-governing dominions, do-minions, colonies, or parts of empire, in the aggregate have cast more than one vote. 'The United StoteB assumes no obligation obli-gation tq be bound by any decision, report, re-port, or finding of the council or assembly assem-bly arising oUt of anv dispute between the I'nlted v. Stales and any member or tin ieagui . if u, ii member, or any s.-ir-governlng dominion, colony, empire, or i.i i i.i i nline uriui-Q v. in n po;itoill i ha voted. ' I It is not necessary io use argument wit - any Republican thai this proposed pro tc. tlon Is the least lo whl h we are enll l tlii Then- i no sound reason to be give i by anyone whv Britain should have il f votes to our one I, Tims we have finished the reservation i dealing with treaty p: oMslons. There i i not one of them that d.d anything bu protect ywur rights as American dtlsen , against Interference by alien races ani foroign governments. In the most im I portant of thein. they merely expressed .. i other word-; what Mr. Wilson afflrme I Iho treaty meant. Unless Ilia views vw, not fully disclosed, li Is not possible t account for his action In twice orrierlni his part) henchmen to defeat the ir.-au One cannot avoid the suspicion (hat w were not being told tho whole truth-that truth-that there were understandings concerning concern-ing ltof which we have not been told But. however thai may be. Is there uny-thtng uny-thtng saved by the reservations that anj Republican is willing to give up? Whal particular llbert- have vou now that i-covered i-covered 'by the reservations, which vou are wllng to barter away marel tc gratify tne whim of a Caesar, or to sutlsf1 an alien race or government n The treatv with these wholesome Indispensable In-dispensable reservations has been twice rejected by :h.- action of the Democratic -. naton a ho, .. Ith a r. w greal .mi hoi -oi ibli excepl dns have voter u u mously against these reservations no, because If we may brlieye their cloakroom cloak-room statements they thought ihe re-ervatlons re-ervatlons were Improper, hut tie, auc the were bidden so to do by their great nartv boss. And do not forget, fellow citizens that Ihe Issue today Is not whether the rove. Bant shall be ratified with these . tlons. but whether It ahall. as the Oeiuo-cratlC Oeiuo-cratlC parte boss says be ratified "without "with-out a single change In either the word-Ing word-Ing or the language." Are vou going to send to the senate ., man who will vote as this part-. b0-. h decreed, whether It sacrifices v'our rlehis or not. whether t; betrays your countrv ?n rOtl-?hUer or not It gives the lie to all of those who hive suffered and died for you, your safely, your welfare, vour Linn ,.,-ss . 1 1 1 . ' - -., ...... . c, i ius.-ri.f-. ; i ir ,,ri. VOU going lo vote for a man. fearlc. courageous, maVpendenr. patriotic, who Wll vole for nothing thai will ensnare or betray his countrv? Are you going to vote for a man who because of the command of his oartv bofs is red w,,,,i,c to ,..k, , , r , ., , we may withdn.w from ih whole foul i business when It becomes dear cv-n to him that our Independence and life an- I threatened: or are jou golr,e lo vote for a man who Insists wo shall have the r,jV to withdraw when our Interests demand Are you going to vote for a ma 1 mtu IS wltflng to let article X stand Liw.m15fl;aJd "nnrstsd, with Irs pos-Slbillt pos-Slbillt Of foreisn dominion In that mo-Vital mo-Vital of all, vital matter,-,he BSnss? if Mamf'..Wa.r,bl?.u hU wrtytonThss said II Is ail right Or are er,,, "oine tn vote for a man who insist, Lhst it be made perfectly clear that wi do hot go to war and are under no nbllirarion to go to war at the behct of an. foreign pow-r or group of foreign powe.s. and, (hut we only go to wur If and when o r1 own duly comuituted authorities, acting I dactaS?' W havc r""'". han ao j Are rou going to vote for a man whose' recocnixed party toss h-s exPressedhls determination to .eave ungovcn.ed the practical certainty that our purely do- I mestl, mailers shall be ma'tern for in. lert, r -n.-e bV other POWSTS with differ- I ent standards, ideal-, and Interests- or i are ,0I1 Bolnfr , te for a man 'who will Insist, no matter whose roval bead i nods, that America In these mart'era musi remain master of her own destinies'-Arc destinies'-Arc you going to vote for a man whose party bo? has tar hN directed a vote I against the provision which makes ier-i tain that the Monrbe Iio.-trlne is safe- I guard) I where the boas himself admits he does not understand th doctrine suf-flciently suf-flciently to define It? Or are you going to vote for a man who says tho Monroe ; - .. . doctrine must stand, as 11 alwavd hi"- f JM n louded by anv aleasy phrase - of this covenant monstrocily? m W Ate you going to vole for a man who. In all Ihe other matters covered by these H reservations. Including, those provlsiona WM of ihe covenant which would deprive US H of the nght to Increase our army and nav In the" presence of threatened or ac- 1 ual wat, !- wi:n:i,- to bi ihc .ovenantf H ollv stlpulatlcns on inatl-e-i, vital to om H every existence stand a they are, and H so gratify n party boss who seeks this A false vindication, or shall you vote for B man who knows no ambition by whom- H voi v.-r entertained, except the ambition H bis hotiesllv. faithfully H and patrioliealiv , w ith an eye single al- H ways to its glorv. and Us lull un- H tramn eled usefulness lo the peop.e of tin- HE l! it.- t. il in. H cans with the Hu B . , 0f .. r fsi er with thi Ir Ideal i, their vision: If you believe In America H going forward lo lh- great destiny for Wa Which i hey Suffered, fought and died: If M o:i w ant still to be certain you Will cn- 1 joy your Qodglven llberth ,and free In- 1 Htitutlons without let or hindrance bv H any foiclin power or Influences, If you H want to transmit these blessings to VI Ul H children, and your children's . hlMiei . 1 then vote (or the man who has In t'10 1 (yt seen clearly through all ibis miser- H able business and has tried lo protect j? . Ip all thi So things Honorable Reed WM Smcot. (Advertisement.) H |