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Show WHAT A DIFFERENCE THE SPEECHES OR BRY AN AND" ROOSEVELT ON LAbOR DAY. A Demagogic Partisan Appeal forjtha Labor V ote, and a Strong and Sensible Sen-sible Nou-Paitisan Oration, Backed I bv Past Prf ormn nep (Special Correspondence.) Chicago, 111., Sept. 4. The demonstration in Chicago on Bailor Ba-ilor Day was one of the greatest ef too kind that has ever been sei;n anywhere. any-where. The event was of national significance sig-nificance because of the addresses that were made by Governor Roosevelt of New York and by Mr. Bryan. Great pains were taken by the labor leaders to make the observance of the day nonpartisan. non-partisan. Representatives of both parties par-ties were invited to speak, but it ra expected, not that they would conduct a joint political debate, but that they would avoid partisanship fu- the day, and make addresses suitable to the occasion. oc-casion. Very instructive is the difference between be-tween the add'resses of Mr. Bryan and . Mr. Roosevelt. I presume yon will have in this issue of your paper extracts ex-tracts from both speeches, stud your readers may verify my statements from the text. Mr. Roosevelt's speech was an oration ora-tion such as lie might deliver before any great body of intelligent fellow-citizens fellow-citizens such an address, for instance, with allowance for the difference In the aims and purposes of the organizations, organiza-tions, as he might have delivered be-for be-for the American Bar Association or the National Medical Congress. There ' was not a word of politics, in the partisan parti-san sense, iu the whole speech. The keynote of it may lie found in the following fol-lowing paragraph: "The fundamental law of healthy political po-litical life in this great republic is that each man shall in deed and not merely mere-ly in word be treated strictly on his worth as a man; that each shall do full justice to his fellow, and in return shall exact full justice from him. KSch group of men has its special interests; and yet the higher, the broader and deeper interests are those which apply to all men alike, for the spirit of brotherhood broth-erhood in American citizenship, when rightly understood and rightly applied, is more important than aught else. Let us scrupulously regard the special interest in-terest of the wage-worker, the farmer, the manufacturer aud the merchants, giving to each man his due and also seeing that he does not wrong his fellows; fel-lows; but let us ever keep clearly before be-fore our minds the great fact that n-lievo the (Wnesr elionls nrp touched- the Interest of all are alike and must be guarded alike." m , Mr. Bryan began his speech some-' what in the same vein and on the same plane, but before he had gone more than half way through, he could not resist re-sist the temptation to take advantage of the occasion for a partisan campaign speech. He took occasion to denounce the .trusts with the implication, of course, that his party stands with th laboring men against the trusts. He declaimed at length on the dangers of imperialism, made the usual quotation from Abraham Lincola. and denounced the Porto Rican bill passed by the last Congress. In fact, read between the lines, the speech was simply a bid for the latlbr vote the implication everywhere every-where was: "Elect me president, and all the evils which I denounce shall be remedied by me aud my party." That was one great difference between be-tween the speeches of the two candidates; candi-dates; but there was another difference even more radical, and even more important im-portant when it comes to deciding which of these two candidates is the better' entitled to lien's votes. When Mr. Roosevelt says that the state has the right to suppress sweat-shops and to pass and euiorce factory inspection laws, he speaks from experience he has himself done more than any other one man in New York state to suppress sup-press the sweat-shops and to enforce the factory iuspectiou law. When he says that the great need is that performance per-formance shall square with the promise prom-ise of good work, the laboriug men know, and every other man knows, that Mr. Roosevelt himself made -hisj performance square with his promise every time. He went to the legislature legisla-ture 'with the idea of helping along certain cer-tain reforms, and he did help thero along. He took the otfice of police .mksinnnr in eiv York Tilth the idea that the laws on the statute book should be enforced, and he had them enforced. He thought, and had said, that efficiency, and not political pull, should be the test to determine a policeman's po-liceman's advancement, and before the end of his term the police force of New York was on a new basis, aud every ev-ery officer on the force knew tlint he would have a 'square deal," and that if he did his duty, no political pull would upsH hit:: or advance inferior and inefficient men over his head. Mr. Roosevelt helped to get the navy ready for the war with Spain; he organized a regiment and led it at the battle of San Juan hill, and later, when he thought there was need for criticism, he criticised, and j:ot the troops moved away from Santiago whim they needed to be moved: as governor, he has seen to It that tilings were done right In the state administration. In Mr. Bryan's r.-w;, words have never nev-er been backed by deeds. He has always al-ways been a talker, not a doer. If be ever helped to frame a legislative enactment, en-actment, !t was ilse Wilson bill that measure' which was no complete a sutr-render sutr-render of th'' iivi-lride principles for which Mr. Bryan has stood, and of which Mr. i l.'velnn.l was theu the champion, thai the l-.tter as president refused to give it Ins official sanctiot, and it became a law without his signature. signa-ture. The contrast is an instructive one. The two sioc-hrs and the two men are representative ..f ihe parties for which they stand. Let the eood sense of th American people dc-ido between them. |