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Show ' ' " ' THg PRgSS-BULLgTI-J t . .. EDITORIALS ( By C. D. McNeeley ) THE NEW ADMINISTRATION IN BINGHAM. '' Beginning this week the reins of government in Bingham fall into new hands. During the past four years the retiring board ' , ' has rendered the camp the best of service and left the town better ' ' ' than they found it. Wonderful improvements, sidewalks, better water, more adequate fire equipment, and a new town hall were made during their tenure in office. And at the outset we predict for the new board a splendid rec-ord. It is made up of men who are in the habit of doing things well and thoroughly and they are men capable of handling to the ' best advantage the affairs of the town. They have, a difficult task before them, but they are men who know how to meet and deal with such emergencies. . """"A great portion of the revenue must flow from different chan-nels. The saloon license is gone and that was an important item to the treasury. Besides there are other improvements that will have to be made and the money will have to be provided, but with good business management, such as the town will have, there . need be no fears about how the things will be accomplished. We have every confidence in the ability of the president and the members of the town board, and we have every reason to be-lieve that they will give the town such service that all the people should be pleased with. DOUBLE STARDARB OIL ! ANO GAS COMPANY j' Stock 10c a Shares k $500.00 Buys 5000 Shares 11 $100.00 Buys 1000 Shares $10.00 Buys 100 Shares .. I . The Company has recently purchased 120 acres in Okla-homa with 4 producing wells. Is now receiving $2.0 per barrel. ' The Company has holdings in six states: Wyoming, f ' Texas, Oklahoma, Kentucky, Kansas, Colorado. Our drill-- ing campaign during this winter will be carried on in Okla-homa. The President of our Company, Geo. R. Markey, is i now in Oklahoma pushing operations, and while there, the intention is to purchase an additional valuable lease now f with several wells. You may expect dividends by the first t C of February, and an increase in the value of stock from time . to time as production will warrant. GENERAL OFFICES: j- BOSTON BUILDING, DENVER, COLORADO, GEO. R. MARKEY, Pres. WM. F. REYNOLDS, Sec'y. ' 4 B.&G. NEW SCHEDULE f The Bingham & Garfield RailwayCo. I The Popular Route r Fines Equipment. Best Train Service j ' Two Trains Daily Between Bingham and j Salt Lake City 4 4 TIME TABLE Leave Salt Lake City: Leave Bingham: 745 A. M 9:25 A. M. f 3:00 P. M 4.50 P. M. Arrive Bingham : Arrive Salt Lake City : 9 :05 A. M 10:40 A.M. ' 4:25 P. M 6:10 P. flfc. Effective Saturday Morning, December 15th, 1917-I- V TICKET OFFICES CARR FORK AND UPPER STATION Take Electric Tram at Carr Fork Station. II. W. STOUTENBOROUGH, A. G. P. A. F. B. SPENCER, Salt Lake City, Utah. Agent, Bingham, Utah. Bingham People Stop at j THE BEST LITTLE HOTEL IN SALT LAKE "J The New Salt Lake ! 372 South Main Street. Just South of Post Office. '. 50 ROOMS I Telephone, Steam Heat, Hot, and Cold Running Water in Every Room. Accommodations with Private Bath if desired Rates 75c to $2.00 per day. No higher. I Special by Week or Month. Centrally Located. All Depot Cars Pass the Door. ' wmmmmmmatmmmmammmmmmmmammmmammammmmm As Age Advances Hie Liver Kequires K't,eyt Ir.nrrr occwiontl slight Wimolaliwi. CARTER'S LITTLE ypjY,'mt' LIVER TILLS correct CONSTIPATION. l" P' B0:if Im'lMi' '' ncs ot lrn la lh Wood. Curler frnn Pi!k 1 iGncss or races , ruij(!o wuh -.- u he trni ing social order would be swept away in a fury of bolshevikism brought on by its intolerable wrongs and heavy burdens, would rest on the knees of the inscrutable gods. ' But there are a great many of us who are not prepared to admit that this is to be the outcome of the var and the fate of the world. There are a great many of us who xudn it, and believe it, when they say we are fighting to make the world safe for democ-racy and to put an end to war and preparations for war. There are a great many who believe that our cause, being just, is not hopeless, and that We shall win. And there are others, less sturdy in faith, in' whom hope combats with fear, yet realize at least the strong possibility of bringing this war to a satisfactory conclu-sion, and who counsel a deferring of a decision on our future plans until we know what the outcome of the war is to be. Surely to all of these may be permitted the right of honest dissent from those who demand that we adopt, now, universal military training as the settled policy of this republic. Suppose we win this war? Suppose Germany is freed from the yoke of Hohenzollernism, that its autocracy Is overthrown, and that a peace based on justice and safety to all is brought about. Suppose there is established a league of nations to pre-serve the peace of the world, not on the basis of militarism but of a reciprocal reduction of armaments and the adjudication of differences. It is that we are fight for. We may get it. What then would we do with our universal military training? And there is another consideration : We have proclaimed to the world, repeatedly, our war aims. We have professed, repeat-edly, the determination to fight till they are achieved. In the face of those aims and professions, how can we logically adopt, in the midst of the war to accomplish them, a military policy under which every citizen is trained to be a soldier? The adoption of that policy would be construed, ,in every enemy country, as a confession that the war aims we have declared as a sham and a humbug, or as a confession that we have no hope of attaining them. Either way, it would postpone the day of peace and make it far more difficult to bring about. Under the circumstances it seems to us there is much to be said for a waiting policy. Especially since we have now nearly two million men under training for war and by the end of another year may have double that number. And we are developing, to the fullest possible extent, all our resources for arming and equip-ping them and providing all the instrumentalities of war. For the purposes of the next few years we are providing now all the means of military defense that we are able. If the war should go against us, and an inconclusive peace be signed that would leave the world an armed camp, we would have the trained men, would have the guns and munitions and the plants to produce them, and be in every sense ready for entering into that period of darkness. We could then adopt universal training as a national policy in ample time to keep the establishment from falling to pieces. But to adopt it now would be to embarrass ourselves before the world, to weaken our "political offensive" for peace, to intro-duce division and confusion into our own councils, and to divert energies that should be devoted to the single purpose of winning the war. Before we adopt settled plans for rebuilding the world after the war, let us first know what sort of a world will be left and what conditions and ideals are to govern the rebuilding. WHY UNIVERSAL TRAINING. There is clearly evinced, in some quarters, a disposition to brand as hopeless nincompoops, mollycoddles, weaklings and pos- - . f Bible traitors all those who refuse to declare, at this time, for the policy of universal military training. If this branding is based on the assumption that we are cer-tain to be defeated in the war now raging, and that all intelligent men must know we are to be defeated, then the branding may be justified by those making the assumption. For if Germany is to win thi war, or if there is to be nego-tiated an inconclusive peace that will settle none of the issues of the war and remove none of the menaces that brought it on, then we may as well proceed to arm ourselves to the teeth. If auto-cracy i3 to remain unleashed, if militarism is to stand unshaken, if there is to be no disarmament, no league of nations, no break-ing down of artificial barriers, then the world is not going to be safe for democracy or for anybody or anything else, and what we ret and what we keep will be what we are able to fight for. If Cermany wins there will remain upon the face of this earth three yreat and powerful nations Germany, Japan, the United States. The first two are militaristic in spirit and in fact to the nth de-cree, and we would be obliged, if we hoped to hold our own, to train and arm, to keep trained and armed, and be always ready to fight. Whether militarism would then remain to be overthrown in some future Armageddon, or whether it and the entire exist- - ROOSEVELT WAR EDITORIALS. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt is now engaged in writing editor-ial matter for a Kansas City paper and his writing are primarily of the war, but in a broader sense he is dealing with other matters than the stupendous struggle now being fought out on the Europ- -' - an battlefields, on the high seas and ill the air. There is nothing ' partisan in what we are about to write, and there is something far different from partisan politics in what he is writing. There is much good in some of the things he advocates, such as using every ounce of energy inthe country for winning the war and brushing aside every obstacle in hastening the preparedness pro--. gram, but along with this he is injecting that which is not good. In one of his editorials we read a few days ago he recounted in graphic style the great handicap of this" country on account of lack of equipment at the various training camps. He has visited the camps and doubtless knows well of what he speaks. In a well guarded manner he launched a tirade of criticism against Presi-dent Wilson because of those conditions and his criticism was ' based on the fact that everything should have been put in readi-ness years ago. This is probably true. It is easier to point out mistakes of the past than it is to anticipate them in the future or at least one con be more exact when he deals in the past. We might have seen long before this war broke out that it was com-ing. The immense military preparations of the war lords of Europe were not being carried out as mere child play. It meant something and we might have seen it, but we did not. Germany was ffettinir readv to strike when her preparation was complete. The world at large was blind to it. Dreamers had said there could be no more wars and the people believed. But Mr. Roosevelt goes further than making the above criti-cism. He is planning and breaking the ground for after the war. He is advocating a program of military preparedness after the war. He brings forward the system of universal compulsory service so that we might always be ready after the war for any other trouble that might arise. In this he is wrong. What we want now is to win the war. and win it in such a way that after it is won there will be no more extensive military preparations among the nations of the world. That is one great thing we are fighting for. . After the war is over we want peace. We want security and we want to feel that the world has been made safe for democracy. We want to see the snaky head of tyranny crushed and the auto-- crats of the old world made to realize that divine right is no longer Uheirs. After the war instead of universal training we are loo-king to see universal disarmament, coupled with practical tional arrangements that will make another such struggle as this ' impossible. If after the war we adopt an aggressive military policy the other nations will do likewise and in the couse of time . more and even greater wars must follow. When we win this war, if we win it right, we will have need of no more militarism. When the trouble maker is crushed and . disarmed and an agreement entered into by the victors that there - shall be no more wars, then it will be unnecessary to lavish vast - sums of money on armament or to maintain large standing armies. Greatest of the spoils of victory is to be that of enduring peace. Mr. Roosevelt is wrong in his conclusions. We do not wish for great preparations after the war; what we want and need is unity, efficiency and action now. In any event it is not wise at present to advocate a policy of militarism for after the war. By the time the war is over we will at least be prepared for war. So we will not be in immediate danger of being caught napping after the war. There is no use now in advocating a thing which will not help win the war and which is liable to kindle dissensions among the people. Mr. Roosevelt is a great man, has a world of influence and he could do more good by writing on some other subject. WHAT IS BEHIND RUSS-GERMA- N PEACE? The allies have begun to take heart of hope a little too early in the peace maneuvers between the Germans and their agents, Lenine and Trotzky, leaders of the Bolsheviki government. The angry denunciation by the Bolsheviki of the German peace terms is evidence that most of the followers of Lenine and Trotzky are sincere and are not anxious to turn over western Russia and Po-land to Germany. But Lenine and Trotzky are thorouhgly dis-honest and the Bolsheviki are childish visionaries.. Even if they should wich to continue the war, they have so weakened the army that it is virtually impossible. One of the absurd features of the Bolsheviki protest is the appeal to imaginary hosts in Germany, Austria-Hungar- y, Bui-- garia and Turkey who are supposed to sympathize with the Rus-sian revolution and see to it that the Russian proletariat obtain justice. When the German delegates started for Brest-Litovs- k the people of Berlin crowded to the railway station and cried out to the departing delegates, "Bring usback a strong peace." That was tantamount to saying, "Rob the Russians of all you can." And the delegates, taking the people at their word, generously of-fered the Russians peace if they would commit national suicide. The delegates demanded the surrender of territory more than half the size of Germany. The wail of indignation that has gone up in Russia is due largely to wounded pride. The Bolsheviki pretended that Ger-many was intimidated by revolutionary factions among the Ger-man people and would agree to Russia's terms of "no annexa-tions and no indemnities." Instead the German delegates, after the manner of the gentleman bandit, politely demanded not only Russia's money but coat, trousers and shoes. ' THINGS THAT NEVER" HAPPEN1 Copyright. I1 - 1 yJfl,; , ' ( DOC. I DID NT FEEL Trit WAW SLIGHTEST PAIN vJHEM (ffljj YOU PULLED a OUT 'III I 0 lPl :$fe C-- ( ft J ! ' UTAH IS A LAND OF OPPORTUNITIES. Figures compiled by the government show Utah leading the nation in the production of silver. In this announcement there is nothing startling to the public, for Utah has always been recog-nized as one of the leading states in the mining industry. The state's reputation is builded largely on the wealth which has been taken from the hidden vaults of the mountains. Our success as a mining state has been firmly established. Utahns, in search of wealth, have turned first to the mining in-dustry, with the result that the development of our mineral re-sources has surpassed other lines. We have learned enough of our mineral deposits to know that we will ever be a contender for high honors in the mining world. Progress in Utah by no means has been confined to mining, although this development has paved the way for accomplish-ments which otherwise would have been years in coming to us. With success in this field established, we can pause to recall the advice of Brigham Young given in pioneer days. More than fifty years ago, long before the diversity of Utah possibilities was evi-dent, be urged conscientious development of agricultural re-sources. We cannot complain of our accomplishments in this direction, but it is apparent today that some of our resources are forgotten as money is made available for development work. Search for the precious metals has the first call on our capital, notwithstanding the fact that we have other resources offering as great returns when developed to the point of production. W yoming and Colorado have made fortunes in oil during the past few years. Utah has done comparatively nothing along this line, notwithstanding the fact that several sections are more promising than the fields of our neighbors were when develop-ment started. Our iron fields have laid idle for years, not be-cause they are worthless, but because capital for development has not been drawn to them. Our marble deposits and our coal de-posits offer alluring inducements to idle capita!. Likewise our agricultural possibilities have not been given the capital necessary to the complete development. The record Utah has achieved in metals can be duplicated in other fields when capital for development is provided. Money need not remain idle because it is not in direct touch with the field of precious metals in a land where opportunities are so diversified as they are in Utah. Herald-Republica- |