OCR Text |
Show To Prevent Strikes. Congress is in session; its members have known ever since its session began in December last that a great" strike of coal miners would be liable to be declared u'tth the coming of spring, flj but no legislation has even been attempted through which such a calamity as a great strike might be avoided. "We are aware that there are plenty of men in and out of Congress who hold that Congress has no authority to legislate ota matters which are within the exclusive jurlsdlc-tion jurlsdlc-tion of the states, but when the operation of an industry directly threatens the1 property if not the lives of thousands in another state, there must be a power somewhere to turn aside the danger, or our Government' is not a Government at all, but merely a league that may bo broken by any whim fl of the multitude. And there is no power to grap- pie with this except the general Government. On the mining of coal in outside states the very life fl of New York City depends. Its people could not bo fed for two weeks without it. All its industries H that depend upon fuel, and several hundred mil- mm lions of dollars are involved in them, would have Hi to close down. All its working animals would have to be sent away; thousands of its people would starve Now suppose the mine owners and miners were in accord, but that they should de-termine de-termine to no longer supply coal to locomotives running to New York, or to the city. Would not the Federal Government have to interpose to pre-vent pre-vent the loss and the suffering? Well, if mine owners and miners disagree and threaten to bring around the same result, is not the necessity for action quite as great? B If a corporation framed under the laws of one state owns property in another state, and an ap-peal ap-peal to the courts becomes necessary, is it not the Federal court that is appealed to? We believe that coal and iron mines generally are more or less dependent upon other states for a market. On this ground we believe- a Federal law to adjust differences between coal and iron mine owners and miners would be constitutional, and that it Is within the direct province of Congress to estab-lish estab-lish arbitration courts and to define their powers for the sole purpose of hearing and adjusting dif-ferences dif-ferences between employers and employes. Such a code would have to forbid strikes, but would have to provide direct means for hearing and de-ciding de-ciding any differences between employers and em-ployes. em-ployes. Jj We believe such a code might be framed, and, BV be framed so wisely that it would meet with grate- J ful acceptance. When 500,000 miners strike and give up work it means to them a loss of more than $1,000,000 per day, and very few of them can af-ford af-ford such a loss. It means deprivation to wives B and children heartaches, loss and apprehensions Bfl of further loss which women and children should B not be made to suffer. H Our thought is that while no just means are fl provided to avert the calamities which follow strikes, we may call our country a civilized coun-Hj coun-Hj try but not an enlightened one. This is the most serious problem before our B lawmakers today. The question carries in it more B menace than could come of any foreign war. We think Congress will fail in its duty unless, Hi before it adjourns, it shall name a commission to H draft an arbitration code to prevent strikes, to be H submitted to Congress with the opening of the H session noxt December. |