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Show OUR DEFENSE PROGRAM Now that the Kellogg peace treaty has been signed it is likely that we will hear even more than we have in the past about the question ques-tion of disarmament. It would seem that Mr. Hoover summed up' the principles on which the United States may safely proceed when he declared in his acceptance address: "There are two cooperting factors in the maintenance of peace the building of a good will by wise and sympathetic handling of in ternational relations, and ; the adequate preparedness for defense. We must not only be just. We must be respected. "We have been and we are particularly desirous of ' furthering the limitation of armaments. But in the meantime we know that in an armed world there is only one certain guarantee of freedom and that is preparedness for defense. It is solely to defend ourselves for the protection of our citizens that we maintain an armament. No clearer evidence can exist than the unique fact that we have feweT men in army uniform today than we have in police uniforms, laind that we maintain a standing invitation to the world that we are always al-ways ready to limit our naval armament in proportion as the other naval nations will do likewise. We earnestly wish that the burdens and dangers of armament upon every home in the world might be lessened. But we must and shall maintain our naval defense and our merchant) marine in strength and efficiency which will yield to us at all times the primary assurance of liberty, that is, of national safety." Building of international good will wherever possible and the maintenance of an adequate defense for a program of international procedure that is certainly safe and sane so far as the United States is concerned. That we are attempting to build good will is evidenced by the recent signing of the Kellogg peace pact, a document which has been called one of the greatest steps ever taken along the lines of international peace. Starting with an effort to oulaw war between bet-ween the United States and France, it has grown through skillful diplomatic handling, into a pact which would seek to guarantee the peace of the world. It does not make war impossible, of course-no course-no agreement could do. that. But it at least makes the starting of war less respectable and performs its function without binding the United States or any other signatory to any hard and fast program in advance. There are no entangling agreements .and no blank notes ' to be signed in advance. But as Mr. Hoover says, we must not only be just," we must be respected. And to be respected we must keep our "international defense in shape to protect the liberties and right of the American people whenever these may be assailed. To charge that in providing provid-ing for our defense we are promoting militarism is silly. As Mr. Hoover has pointed out, our army in uniform does not equal in number num-ber the police forces of our local units of government in uniform. It is a little more than the skeleton of an army and to say that it is a menace to any people abroad or to our home people at home is absurd. And so far as the naval problem is concerned, we have already, on one memorable occasion, voluntarily sacrificed naval supremacy in the interest of disarmament, and we are willing to go the rest of the way whenever the other naval powers are willing to join us. All that we ask is a navy as good as the best, and we are certainly cer-tainly entitled to this with our geat national wealth, our foreign trade and the rights of a great peopl to protect.. Such ; a navy we must have and will have. ; There will be a lot of pacifist propaganda abroad in the land again when Congress meets and considers the nav-to nav-to be hoped that the American people will be alive to the situation al bill, which was held up. in the last session by the pacifists. It is and will not permit ia small but noisy minority to have its way. |
