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Show RENEWAL OF WORLD WAR PLOTTED BY REDS I IF the American people were convinced that the League of Nations would involve them in 'European conflicts .for years to come would I " they indorse it? . r If the League of Nations were left out of the .trea'ty of pe,ace ' 4 would the American people indorse a treaty which. would keep Amer- i ican troops in Europe to guarantee the peace? ' " I The present trend of European affairs is toward war rather than I ' peace. Having entered the world war to defeat Germany, is the I ; United States bound to take part in every war growing out of that . I ' conflict? tr" ..':..',,. I These are questions which must be answered soon. 'Bolshevism W, continues its efforts fto create a worldwide revolution.. The chances rJ are' that the revolution, will fail'in the United States without getting fT even a good start. In Europe the chances are the other way round. Great Britain, France arid Italy may escape the anarchy of Bolshevism, t but Germany and all of eastern Europe are liable to be swallowed up by the tidal wave. ' Class hatred is not the only element which is fostering Bolshe- !' vism. Hatred of the Germans,. the Austrians and the Hungarians j, for their conquerors is an aid to the Red revolution. Naturally the I classes which formerly ruled in these countries would he expected to. fight Bolshevism to the last ditch, but what do we find? V, In Hungary Count Karblyi, provisional president, turns over the r government to the Reds and makes an appeal for rthe support of the ffiP' proletariat all over the world. In his appeal he resents the lines of r demarcation which the peace conference at Paris is said to have agreed upon as the boundaries between the new Hungary, Rumania, Y Czecho-Slovakia and Jugo-Slavia. . Such resentments will be harbored by all peoples who lose by the war. It will be an element of solidarity for the time being I - among the various classes and we are apt to see a transformation by to which the former ruling classes will join with the Reds to spread Bolshevism and thus raise up a power which will be able to dispute ' ;vith the allies the possession of Europe. " y . In Germany the conservative elements of society are still in ap- jtf - parent control, but what will happen when the terms of the peace treaty are made known? If the German people see that they must 5 ,' toil all their lives topay indemnities to foreign masters will they be content with conservative rule? Will they not rather rush into the f ranks of the Reds and seek to escape payment? Are'they so weary 1 1 o"f war that they will peacefully accept the shackles being forged for them at Paris or will they, following the example of the Hungarians, r form an alliance wit)i the Russian Bolsheviki and declare a state of war with the allies ? ' $ Already allied troops have taken possession of much of Hungary. ' !S From what bases th6y marched into Hungary is not stated; but prc- l sumably their lines of communication lead eastward and southward 11 into Rumania and also along the Danube to the Black sea. Ultimately, ' however, it may be necessary to invade Hungary from all sides to prevent the Hungarians from effecting a junction with 'the -Russian fH Bolsheviki who are said to have an army on the borders of Galicia. JH Hungary can be invaded from Bohemia, if Bohemia does not suddenly succumb to the Bolsheviki, from Serbia on the South and from the jfl German- and Jugo-Slav provinces of Austria on the west and south. ffl In that event the allies will occupy virtually all of what was formerly 11 the Austro-Hungarian empire. If Germany joins the Bolsheviki it f may be necessary to complete the military operations which were in- n terruptedby the armistice to march into Berlin and then send an j army eastward to support Poland, if Poland still exists to support. j Poland and Rumania are in a most exposed position and are in fl danger of being swamped by the Bolsheviki. Internally these, nations JH are not strong. In both countries, and especially in Poland, radicalism H is rampant. It was only by a compromise between the conservatives H and the socialists that Poland was able to set up a fairly stable gov- H eminent and make head against the Russian Bolsheviki. How long will the Reds of Poland remain quiescent? H The allies will be in an evil strategic position if they cannot march their troops through Germany and Austria-Hungary, for they will be H compelled to send armies by way of the Baltic into Poland and by way H of the Black sea into Rumania and southern Russia, known as H Ukrania. The roads through Serbia and Bulgaria are open, but means jH of transport are inadequate. And even if the allies push through tH Germany and Austro-Hungary their lines of communication will trav- H erse hundreds of miles of hostile territory. H If disorder and anarchy are to prevail in eastern and central H Europe indefinitely what part will the American army play in the new H conflicts? The American people must meet this issue. They must ;H decide whether they are to be permanently committed by the League JA of Nations or by the peace treaty or by both in one to fight the battles 1 of -Europe. fM President Wilson's plan is to embody the League of Nations in M the treaty of peace. Section 10 of the league covenant requires all jjjjJ member nations to guarantee the territorial integrity and indepcnd- i ence of each member nation from outside attack. Poland and Ru- flfl mania can thus call on the league to protect them against invasion. H If the league is not incorporated in the treaty of peace, yet it will M be necessary for some power to enforce the terms. Are the American ,M people willing to keep a million or more soldiers in Europe to aid in H the enforcement? 'H Our soldiers are being brought home slowly. As long as they 'H remain in France they will be expected by our allies to help in every 'H military operation necessary to enforce the terms of peace. M Even now we have an example of what is expected of us. Our H troops are fighting not only in Europe but in Asia. They are battling H with the Bolsheviki in the Archangel zone and in Siberia. The war ' H department has promised to withdraw these troops this spring, we I H are told. If so, what is the difference between campaigns in Russia , H ' arid campaigns in Hungary or Austria or German? If war is to be H vj I , , SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, MARCH 29, 1919, ... . . ' .JEM . ' 'I H the- condition of Europe for months and perhaps years will Europe H expect American soldiers to share in all of the warfare on the theory H that we are simply doing what we pledged ourselves to do when we H declared war on Germany to support our allies to the end. H These arc the issues before us. We must find some solution for H them that will be satisfactory to the majority of our people. H r r r t H BROTHERS IN ARMS. H f tne rcat war w grow the friendships of brothers in arms B V who will return to become soldiers of the common good and M leaders in civil life. M Among those who went from Salt Lake to serve in the army of Hj Uncle Sam none was more respected than Harold Fabian, the attor- fl ncy, who returns to us as Major Fabian. It is a romance of the service fl that he and a brother in arms have established a law firm in Salt M Lake. His chum in the service and now his associate in business is H Beverly S. Clcndenin, a Californian who was graduated from the Uni- m versity of California in 1912. He began the practice of law in Los M Angeles, whei'e he was associated with the firm of Haas and Dunnigan. fl After passing through the second officers training camp at the m Presidio he was commissioned a captain of infantry in August, 1917. M While, stationed at Camp Lewis he was made an instructor in the fl third officers training camp. Later he was in command of the small M arms department of the Thirteen division's school of arms. It was B during this period that he was closely associated with Major Fabian. H The friendship that sprang up between the lawyer soldiers has H led to the establishment in Salt Lake of the law firm of Fabian and H Clcndenin. The legal fraternity, we are sure, will be glad to welcome H Captain Clendenin for his own sake and also because he is a friend of H one our most esteemed members of the bar. H TT "T1 P 1 H BAKER'S "FRIGHTFULNESS." SECRETARY BAKER has adopted a new method to win support for the president's League of Nations. War will be so terrible H in the future, he declares, that we must establish at once the proposed H League of Nations and thus do away with war. To show how fright- H ful War will become he reveals that just before the armistice was H signed an airplane, which could have carried explosives,, was directed H to a target many miles distant and brought back by an apparatus of H control at the point of departure. In future wars, therefore, thou- H sands of these pilotless planes can be guided unerringly over enemy H cities scores or hundreds of miles distant. Bombs will be dropped and H the machines will return to their depots for more explosives. H To attain his object Secretary Baker resorts to the' discredited H German policy of "frightfulness." It was the theory of the Huns that H they could make war so frightful by their superior weapons, as well H as by cold-blooded atrocities, that their enemies would be quickly H frightened into making peace. M Frightfulness met with success only in those regions where Ger- M man arms had previously triumphed, where the populations were with- H out means of defense. Against the British and French it failed ab- H solutely. Aerial bombardments of London and Paris created such a M state of terror that people fought with one another for places of vant- H age from which to view the spectacle until the governments sup- H pressed the curious for the good of all. Submarines practiced their H ruthless, unlimited warfare so successfully that they forced the United H States into the war and thereby proved themselves boomerangs to H Germany. H At first it seemed as if London was doomed. Zeppelins and air- H planes began to reach the captal in growing numbers. Terrific explo- H sionS were caused and the death rate increased. But meantime H methods of defense were being devised and put in operation. Whereas H the attacking airships, in the beginning, seemed to have all the ad- H vantage, in the sequel, it was the defense which proved invulnerable, H and the time came when the Germans were afraid to send their aerial H monsters against the, British capital. H The 100-mile gtfny which shelled Paris, had 'no more psychological effect than an occasional explosion in a factory. Tjie people of Paris went about their work almost as if they were at peace. ;' if But, it will be contended, a thousand such guns would have. produced pro-duced a different effect. And the argument is incontestable. A thou1 - sand guns would have produced such an effect that an adequate de-r fense would have been provided. r Frightfulness is not new to our western country In the old days the gunman practiced it. When he "got the drop" on you he won, but until he "got the drop" his frightfulness was of little avail. In the long run the bad man and his frightfulness failed in every community. The point is that frightfulness is a success only after the victim has already been reduced to impotency. If you are a wrestler and get your man down you can keep him down by the "toe hold" or other holds that will break his limbs if he attempts further resistance, but as long as he is capable of defense he will defy your frightfulness with a frightfulness of his own. Secretary Baker's argument, however, is valid if the president League of Nations will prevent war. As a matter of fact the covenant legalizes war in a number of instances. The only chance it would have of preventing war, therefore, would be its balance of power over any , , antagonists its superior frightfulness. To attain such a prepon- derance of power it would be necessary for the league to hold the world in awe, to have all adversaries in complete subjection. ' -. I We have a demonstration of the greater or less futility of covenants cov-enants and leagues before our very eyes. Under a Bolshevik regime the little nation of Hungary has declared war on what virtually ' ) amounts to the League of Nations. The present alliance has a preponderance prepon-derance of power such as could hardly be surpassed by the proposed league, and yet the Hungarians defy the alliance. For two years the Bolsheviki in Russia have defied the alliance and all its death-dealing J inventions. It is true that the allies have not practiced frightfulness in th , warfare against the Russians. It has been a mild sort of war, more of a threat, in fact, than a real war. The allies have been in the attitude of one who tosses an occasional bomb into his neighbor's yard and says : "Are you ready to repent?" It may be that the allies will resort to frightfulness, for if Bolshevism Bol-shevism spreads there may be no other resort. In Budapest the new government has proclaimed the death penalty for anyone who resists Bolshevism. In the days of imperial Rome the death penalty was provided pro-vided for all who avowed themselves Christians. Imperial Rome has passed away; Christianity is a world power. The frightfulness of war will not prevent wars. Secretary Baker is wasting his time when he approaches the League of Nations problem prob-lem from that direction. And even if he argues that the league, as at present planned, will prevent some wars he fails to be convincing, for, as has been pointed out, it seems possible to devise a league which i will be much more effective in preventing war. The best method,1 therefore, of winning support for a League of Nations, is by appeals to our reason rather than to our fears. p r f H BOURGEOISE AND BOLSHEVIKI. ,, SOMEWHERE back in the earlier days of socialism the protagonists protago-nists of that cult kidnaped the word "Bourgeoise" from the ranks of respectability and made it a term of reproach and contempt. Originally Or-iginally it had reference to a size of type named after its founder, Bourgeois, a size between Long Primer and Brevier. Then it came to mqan a citizen of the middle rank of society, as between a gentleman on the one hand and a peasant on the other ; one of the shopkeeping class. The socialistic implication was always one of derision. The aristocrats aristo-crats were hated ; the Bourgeoisie were despised. An aristocrat could be respected even while he was hated, but the man of the middle class' $ must always be regarded as ridiculous by the radical who would revolutionize rev-olutionize society. An aristocrat, despite his inherited tendency to enslave his fellowmen, often was cultured and at least laid claim to nobility and grandeur. The radical regarded him with ferocity, but did' not consider him absurd. The poor Bourgeoise, in radical eyes, was always a subject for in- extinguishable laughter. The socialist ."-looked upon-vhini'as too dull to know that he was enslaved,1" too servile1 to resist even if he knew. And so it came about that the middle -class citizen was the 'symbol for all that was stupid, narrow, meanand subhiissive. It was altogether v to be expected that even his virtues should come to be despis"ed by Vhe reformer who prided himself upon his ability to remake the world according to a better model. Historians had 'displayed a fondness for the middle classes' and were therefore anathema to the socialist who had formed a new conception con-ception of history. Some historians' had even gone so far as to say that this or that nation 'Poland, fdr cxahiple fell'because it had no middle class. Some of us within the last few years have been wont to $ point out a similar condition in the social and economic structure of Mexico. The reformer with Bolshevik tendencies has neither admiration nor pity for the Bourgeoisie. Perhaps that is due, in part, to the desire de-sire of the Bolsheviki to substitute one kind of class rule for another. ?he Bolsheviki want to be the ruling class. After doing away with aristocrats and all their devices the Bolsheviki would substitute their i own devices their own economic and social systems and impose l them on all other classes. p It is old-fashioned and absurdin 'the opinion of the Bolsheviki, to 1 " respect the middle class virtues. They sneer at it as- "middle class morality." And thus we have before us the phenomenon of Russia. The Bolsheviki have adopted the, lecheries of the aristocrats rather than the purities of the "stupid" Bourgeosie. The murders and cruelties cruel-ties of autocracy come naturally to the new autocrats. In fact, all that the world formerly held "in veneration as virtuous and honorable has come to be despised by the red reformers. Like autocrats they ... regard contracts', covenants and treaties as "mere scraps of paper." If a man still harps upon a point of honor they deride it as an obsolete refinement. And as for morality, ffis utterly contemptible. In the .,. place of wife they' would enthrone the goddesses of free love, whom , - old-fashioned people have long called by uglier and shorter names. Honesty, too, is a mere Bourgeois virtue. It is a false view forced -l by the owning class upon the weaker class. - Like all the command ments of Christianity it enfeebles the common man and makes it impossible im-possible for him to throw off the yoke of the strong who made the commandments. It is true -that this view is older-than Christianity. The same charge was hurled against the pagan religions of Greece and Rome before Christ was born. How long will radicals regard the middle class citizen in that light? Will Bolshevism so triumph that he will be considered a ridiculous ridic-ulous crank who still deems family ties binding, debts payable and personal honor more priceless than life? What a strange world it is that can turn old things so awry that the common man who once venerated ven-erated these attributes should come to be considered a target for the derision and scorn of millions of human beings. FORCING INDUSTRY OUT OF BUSINESS. ' ft me le&islation proposed by the Non-Partisan league of JLVx North Dakota is written upon the statute books of that state. Unless the laws are repealed by referendum the state is now embarked em-barked upon a perilous course. The principal bills establish the "Barik of North Dakota," intended in-tended to serve as a mother institution for the state banks, to handle "; .all North Dakota public 'funds and to finance 'the industrial program; create an industrial commission of great centralized power which will establish and administer the state industrialprojects ; create the North Dakota Mill and Elevator association whose function is to establish state owned terminal elevators, flour mills and other industries ; pro- tvide for the regulation and operation of the lignite coal mines of North Dakota ; and provide for the establishment and operation o'f the North Dakota Home Building association. ' Tlie industrial commission commis-sion is composed of three mentbers, the governor of the state, who is chairman and has the controlling voice in all "matters under its jurisdiction, the attorney general, and the commissioner ol agriculture agri-culture and labor. It will corffrol the new Bank of OrthDrkota, and conduct and. manage all the state owned industries, utilities and enter- prises. The "right of eminent domain" may be resorted to in the con- demnation of privately owned property and industries. I North-Dakota has adopted a mixture of socialism and capitalism LI which the entire country will watch with interest. Pure socialism ill would require that the state own all the means of production and dis- ' l tribution, but North Dakota has adopted an experimental form of jl government ownership which is liable to prove even more harmful nfl than socialism. It has gone into business in competition with private I business, with a large proportion of its industries. The taxpayers will i jl be forced to furnish the money which will be used to impair their own I II business or actually run them out of business. IH It can be taken for granted that at the next election the classes now in control of the state's politics will attempt to enlarge the scope II of the state's industrial enterprise. . The state will take over other in- jl dustries and drive other men out of business. jH Naturally North Dakota business men have lost confidence. They H do not feel that their investments are safe and they are offered no in- 1H ducements to expand their industries and thereby afford new jobs for H toilers. As long as the state threatens to tax or legislate the private !H owner out of business it cannot te expected that business will thrive. H Nearly $20 OT 'XX) in bonds has been issued and the taxpayers H must pay the im t and principal. It is the argument of the political I dictatorship that .e state's industries will be made to pay. But if I these industries prove profitable after the manner of the federal- I owned railroads the people of Norm Dakota are in for hard times H somewhere along their riotous way. .H H THE SECRECY OF MR. WILSON. H H TVTTOW we read in the correspondence of the New York Times the H i.1 following: "There is a growing sentiment that President Wilson should de- H fine publicly the limits within which American can join the European H associates in the German peace terms. Many feel that while the pres- H ident's policy of attempting by private negotiation to reconcile con- H flicting views and interests has been wise, the time is now come to H make clear what America can and cannot do. It seems necessary to H enunciate America's final position on the essential questions. A case H in point is French insistence on an armed alliance with America as a H condition precedent to the peace treaty." M How can the president "enunciate America's final position on the jH essential questions?" He can take no final position without the aid H and consent of the senate. ' The secret is out at last. Europe has discovered the truth. The H round robin of the thirty-nine senators disclosed the limited powers H of the president and, naturally enough, France and the other entente H allies want to know whether they are to deal with him exclusively or IH with him and the senate. They want to know whether he has not H been deluding them in the intoxication of his self-importance. (H They want to know whether he can carry out any of those big pro- H jects which he has so grandly proposed as if he were the arbiter of jjH the world's destiny. They want, in fact, nothing more nor less than H open diplomacy "open covenants openly arrived at." 'H When the president returned to this country he told us nothing. iH Neither did he enlighten the senators. Even those who attended his JH secret dinner complain that he did not seem to be familiar with the IH terms of the league covenant. When he went to New York he evaded ijH his plain duty to explain and defend the covenant and talked about the H "atmosphere in which it was conceived." H Now that he has returned to Europe he maintains silence with the H aid of the Burleson cable censorship. He is still telling the senate and ! the American people nothing. jj H But just so that our readers may know that the censorship will H no accomplish its purpose we herewith reveal a secret that does not i H belong to the president. Senators have established a courier service H between thc'United States and Paris. It was operating before the 'H (H 'I H Hj presidentfVhomecoming and wilUcontinue to VunctioVipropef1y mitiij H he returns to Us Wrapped in silence. " b ' i 1 H The truth will out despite the president's secret diplomacy. H Having pleasantly called attention td 'the 'Secret diplomacy"1 of H President Wilson some weeks ago we desire now to emphasize 'the1 H continued vsecrctiveness of our chief executive who once declared for'' H "open covenants openly arrived at." Are we mistaken in our recoilec- H tion that it was among his fourteen points? t H The silence of Woodrow Wilson is one of the master mysteries Hi of tlie age. Foremost among the world's champions in fact 'tlVe Hj' world's super-champion of open diplomacy the president has be- H come as silent as the statesmen who joined the, Egyptian mumnjy. H colony in the times of Rameses. It is, indeed, a deathly silence. It H might even be described as a sulk. Is it possible that the president is H in a huff? Is it possible that Thomas Woodrow Wilson, like the small H boy whose top has been taken away from him, is sulking in a corner? H Not at all. The president is consistently pursuing the policy ,11c H adopted when he went to Europe. He openly preached open cov- m enants, but formulated seret covenants. He went to Paris and im- M pressed the peace delegates with the idea that his will was supreme in B negotiating for the United States. Not being familiar with the ion- H stitution of the United States many of the delegates did not know H that the president could conclude a treaty only with, the(' aid and con- M sent of the United States senate. t , t n fl Secrecy was necessary to the self-exploitingpresident. He could H not tell the senate what was going on because all"he wanted of the fl senate, to employ a familiar witticism, was "silence! arid damned little M of that." He could not tell the truth to the Paris conference lest m they question his right and power to conduct the negotiations with- M out consulting the senate point by point. H H JAMES ALMA CUNNINGHAM. ONE of the familiar and venerable figures among our pioneers has passed away. Almost to the last James Alma Cunningham took H a keen interest in men and affairs. Old age could not wither nor cus- H torn stale life's infinite zest to his active mind. And because he was H interested in men they were interested in him. H James Cunningham was one of the pioneers of that earliest H migration across the plains and mountains, for he came to Utah H among the very first of those who made their way to the west with H the ox-carts. His death brings sadness and loneliness to old and H young alike, for he had many friends among the younger generation H of business men. H Like most of the pioneers who left an impression upon their state H and won the esteem of their fellows he had a high and strong concep-H concep-H tion of duty, which revealed itself in his business relations. In fact his H life was that of the private citizen of sterling character, and, after all H is said and done, it is just such citizens that bring' success and great-H great-H ness to a community. H WITH THE RED MASK OFF. r m , , IT'has been a theory among those opposing socialism that socialism, once established, would constantly tend backward to the old order, Hj that inflexible laws of human nature and economics would so operate H as to unravel the socialistic scheme of things and restore the system H of private propc rty and individual enterprise. B How far that theory may be correct it is not our intention to in- H quire, for such an inquiry would lead us through all the mazes o'f so- H cialistic theorizing. We would be in an intangible realm where prop- H ositions would not be susceptible of proof. B It is our purpose rather to point out a curious turn which Russian H Bolshevism has taken. Originally the Bolshevik idea, was the revolu- H, tionary overthrow of the old order and a reconstruction from the H ground up. But so much thought had been expended on revolution ' H that plans for reconstruction had been neglected, H By a sudden cataclysm which was as unexpected as it was un- M precedented Russia was tossed into the scrap heap of Bolshevism and ' i the Bolshevists were given an opportunity to apply their theories. tieeit they ulddoffiX ulliC whavfcrcSl3hiiiSlsug-frgcsteM whavfcrcSl3hiiiSlsug-frgcsteM ima constfdctfve senle-state ownersmp of.'.tiie3neansftpro- n duction and distribution. Above the system was the new autocracy, the ''dictatorship o"f the'jirdletariat," which amounted t6 nothing more iior'ess than' the dictatorship' bf Lenine. ' '' ' '' ' , , Nothing hasvyorked as'the dictator planned.' Production anc .distribution have failed to function so as to.give therp,eoplc the neces-sarie5of neces-sarie5of life in adequate quantities. The condition of the people, instead in-stead of improving1, has deteriorated. ' j .t ' 'Fanatic though herb6, Lenine has been forced to' make a revision of his theories and humiliating and disgraceful' & a true red adopt .jSoine. of the old bourge,pise,,ideas. The worenaftjboned to leave in the yicious, capitalistic past such nightmares as organization, intellectual intel-lectual supervision, hard work and long hours. But Lenine, at the head of the government, is hot Lenine, the enemy en-emy and destroyer of government. And so, forsboth, lie must proclaim pro-claim the revival of old ideas to keep his own government intact. Henceforth, he tells his proletarians, the 'watchwords must be "organization, work and discipline." How lamentably discouraging! discourag-ing! Here Was a leader of the hew order placed, as it were, on the throne of Russia and given the authority of a czar to do with it as he might see lit. He began by introducing all the innovations of radicalism that he had preached in his days of theory. At the end of less than two -years he is forced to reintroduce old economic rules and request his followers to become something very much akin to "wage-slaveS" "wage-slaveS" again. In 'the new reorganization, he tells them there must be strict financing and accountability ; workers, must toil longer and harder so as to increase production up to the necessary minimum ; the Taylor system of scientific management must be introduced and labor must be paid according to results. Lenine has discovered that there can be no efficient production withbut'the direction of financial and industrial Experts and the utilization utili-zation of the brains of scientists. Grudgingly he admits that these parasites of the old order must be set at work to rescue the, socialistic state from its infantile paralysis. And he boldly announces that the workers must submit to the control of "bosses" with' a chief boss or dictator at the head. It is a startling reversion to the old type. The Bolsheviki have "strutted and fretted their hour upon the stage" and' now that they have taken off their masks and makeup find themselves very much as before. You cannot paint an orange brown and fnake it a coconut. Apparently there is some truth, therefore, in the theory of those who declared 'that socialism never could be realized in its fullness and that its tendency would be to revert to some, !at least, 6f the old forms. . : ' r WASTING MONEY. t i , EVERYBODY is delighted that the city has given our returned soldiers sol-diers work on the boulevards and highways. They should be given work everywhere even at the expense of some extra taxation. On the other tiand there is no excuse for wasting the taxpayers money. The soldiers who are building the roads to Ensign Peak and along the foothills are working with picks and shovels although machinery ma-chinery would help them to complete the jobs quickly. No doubt the argument is that machinery would complete the york so quickly that soon there would be no more work for the soldiers. We are of the opinion that the argtfittentis fallacious. There is plenty of work to do especially1 on the cityls"trfeetSTwhich are in bad repair. ' Observers who have some skill in'such matters assure us that the road along the foothills will not be permanent. It lies so low ,and in such an exposed position that a few of the furipus tempests of the summer probably will wash most of it away., , $ " jf) We believe the city commissioners should acjopt a somewhat different dif-ferent policy. Give the soldiers -work by all means on the suburban roads and also on the city streets, but give them work that will produce pro-duce results valuable to the taxpayers. t t ,,,, The principal job at Fort Douglas is stopping work, |
