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Show THE MONROE DOCTRINE. The embittered, reasonless, insolent hater of the United States who presides over the ancient Saturday Review of London, charges cowardice to the Americans that they do not go to war to vindicate vindi-cate the vaunted Monroe doctrine now that Great Britain and Germany and some smaller powers are smashing around the coast of Venezuela trying to collect their claims against that country. The article was intended merely to be insulting, but the writer gives away the fact that he does not know what the Monroe doctrine implies, or knowing, know-ing, is seeking to give a wrong impression to his readers. A distinguished German newspaper also gives space to a writer who objects strongly to the Monroe doctrine, and quotes high authority for H charging that the principle of it is an impudent H one. These writers in the English magazine and H the German newspaper are both alike anxious that U the doctrine shall be given up, though the history H of both those countries is filled with accounts ot w war waged for the possession of territory, often a B mere strip of land in one or another European B State. France long ago forgave Germany for the B war of 1870-71 and for the indemnity exacted from B her, but she is comfortless and ready to fight when- B ever the taking of Alsace and Loraine by Germany B is referred to. B When Southern Europe, under one or another B excuse, was planning to take by conquest some of B the Spanish-American States, a distinguished En- B glishman advised President Monroe to promulgate B the Monroe doctrine, which in the briefest terms B possible is that the United States will not permit B any European power to acquire territory or estab- B lish colonies on this continent. There was a dou- B ble reason for it. First, that the United States iff could not afford to have a foreign power obtain a B foothold on this side of the Atlantic which eventu. B ally might be a menace to the peace of this coun- I try or might furnish a base of supplies to an Euro- n pean power at war with our country. H The second reason was that the fathers had ded- icated the United States to liberty, to freedom from kingly or priestly rule, in like manner the weaker H States to the South had won their independence If and deserved support and If need be protection. H At the time Europe either admitted the reason- H ableness of the doctrine or her nations were too H much involved at home to risk trying conclusions I on such a doctrine on this side. I That has now been the rule for almost eighty I years, and it will not be changed. But that does I not interpose any barrier between creditor nations in Europe and debtor nations on this side, except tliat in collecting their debts the nations of Europe must not levy on the lands on this side. When a I case arises that the American State has nothing to m gatisfy ner deots DUt her lands then the question I will be left to this country whether it will assume B the obligation or not. There is nothing in the doc-IB doc-IB trine to prevent imigrants from any States of Eu- rope from coming to this side and settling, and if I they become powerful enough from organizing a H State of their own, but it must be an independent H American State, not a colony of some European B power. In the stress of our great Civil war the Em-B Em-B peror of the French and the Emperor of the Aus-H Aus-H trians thought it a good time to do away with the doctrine. The result was not such as to encourage 5 any further attempts in that direction, and not-B not-B withstanding the vicious writers in foreign jour-B jour-B nals we do not believe that the sovereign of either B Great Britain or Germany or the statesmen who B are their advisers have any desire to antagonize B the United States with the hope of crushing out the 6 fixed policy of our country not to permit any Euro-B Euro-B pean power to plant colonies or acquire territory B on this cide of the Atlantic. |