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Show Friday, April 3, 1959 THE UTAH STATESMAN Page 2 Part Two The Lesson of the Mikoyan Visit by Richard M. Nixon Vice President United States (Continued from last week) Because of his belief in the theory of the class struggle, the doctrinaire Marxist tends to think that in the United States millions of American workers are seething with discontent and that they not only want a change in the economic and political system, but that they oppose the foreign policy which is designed to defend that system from its -- potential enemies abroad. If Mr. Mikoyan had such ideas when he came here, I can state categorically, based on my conversation with him, that he returned to the Soviet Union with completely different views. He did not find any encouraging signs of progress in the United States toward fulfillment of the Marxist prediction of an inevitable class struggle. On the contrary he admitted almost with grudging admiration that the strongest defenders of the American system, the most vigorous critics of Communism, and the most uncompromising supporters of our firm stand in Berlin were not the traditional whipping boys of Communist propaganda, the Wall Street bankers and businessmen, but the leaders of our free trade unions who represented the views of millions of America's wage earners. I do not mean to suggest that by reason of what he saw he has abandoned hope for the eventual success of the Communist revolution in the United States. He never missed an opportunity to express his supreme confidence that Communism would eventually prevail not only in this country but throughout the world. No Seedbred of Revolution Here But he can no longer believe that this will come about because of mass discontent of America's wage earners. In his unexpected visits to typical American homes, he did not find the misery that could be the seedbred of revolution. How then does he expect his grand objective to be realized in this country? His answer to this question, significantly, was that the American people would turn to Communism, not for the traditional reasons of class division and discontent arising from oppression of the masses, but because they would eventually see that the Communist system could do an even better job of producing economic prograss than ours. He points to the fact that the Soviet economy is growing at a faster rate than ours today and that inevitably our people would be forced to turn to Communism in order to avoid becoming a second-rat-e power. We have already witnessed one result from Mr. Mikoyan's visit. Mr. Khrushchev said in Moscow yesterday that based on the report he had received from Mr. Mikoyan on his trip to the United States, there is a possibility of a thaw in the cold war. I think it is important to set the record straight on this score. The American people and Government are united in their desire for peace. We do not want an inch of territory from the Soviet Union or any other country in the world. We too want a thaw in the cold war because we realize that if there is none we will all eventually be frozen in the ice so hard that only a nuclear bomb will break it. But there is very little chance for a thaw in a world climate which is constantly subjected to the icy blasts of Soviet propaganda against all those who stand in the way of international Communism's drive to dominate the world. What Mr. Krushchev Forgets Mr. Krushchev asks the West to seize the chance THE UTAH STATESMAN A Weekly Newspaper Devoted to Good Government HARRY B. MILLER, Publisher H. V. WRIGHT, Editor Entered as 2nd Class matter at the Post Office at Salt Lake City, Utah, under the Act of March 3, 1879 Subscription rate $1.00 per year Published weekly at 421 Church Street Salt Lake City, Utah Vol. 13; No. 12 Mrs. Mrs. Mrs. Lori Madge H. Fairbanks..... LaVerl Neilsen Janet Schoenhals Rytting for. improving relations. He forgets that it is the Soviet Union which began and insists on continuing the cold war. On every major international issue Berlin, test suspension, protection from surprise attack the only proposals the Soviet leaders have made have been designed not to end the cold war but to give them an advantage in prosecuting it. We agree with Mr. Krushchev that there is a .great opportunity at this time for making a breakthrough in reducing world tensions. But this is true only if he sees the wisdom of thawing put the frozen Soviet position of the past. Mr. Krushchev can become the greatest leader in the history of Russia if he can see the wisdom of developing policies which will use the splendid resources of his nation not for the purpose of domi- nating other people but for the benefit of the and Russian people who want and deserve more from their hard work than they presently receive. Let us turn now to some of the things we learned from Mr. Mikoyan. First, after seeing him in action we realize that we can make no greater mistake them to underestimate the ability of those who guide the destiny of the. Soviet empire today. In the past six years I have met Free World leaders in over fifty countries. In several respects, I would have to rate Mr. Mikoyan as the equal of any leader I have met. He has a first-rat- e mind and a keen, piercing sense -- long-sufferi- courageous ng of humor. He not only knows his own system well, as we might expect, but he had a mass of informa- tion at his command about the United States, our political system, our economic philosophy, and our people. But even more impressive than his mental ability and shrewdness were certain intangible qualities a steel-liktoughness of character and an almost arrogant faith that his cause was right and that it would inevitably prevail. In this man there was no flabbiness, no softness, none of the uncertainty of the pragmatist seeking a philosophy. He had found in the Communist system the inalienable truth and neither 'facts nor arguments could shake his faith. In other words, in the person and character of Mr. Mikoyan the people of the United States were reminded again of the massiveness and of the seriousness of the challenge we face in the world today. What lessons can we learn from the Mikoyan visit which may have some bearing on American policy toward world Communism? First, what should our attitude be toward visits of this type in the future? As one who have never been accused of softness toward Communism on the contrary my critics believe I lean too strongly I believe that an unoffiin the opposite direction cial visit of this type, while it has definite liabilities, is, on balance, in the best interest of the United States and the Free World. 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