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Show I THE CITIZEN that the streets of the city are becoming increasingly unsafe for women at night? If the morally debased continue to take possession of our streets r.t night we are liable to find ourselves disgraced by just such :it crimes as have disgraced San Francisco. Every night Automobile Don Juans leave their cars to insult ii nd all but abduct women on downtown streets. The police seem never to interfere, although, now and again, a case in police court shows that they do. 5 It may be that the police are so busy trying to enforce unenforceable laws that they have no time to prevent disorderly conduct on the streets. The multiplication of laws, especially of blue laws, creates- an impossible task for the authorities. It is more than probable that the astounding increase in murder all over the country is due, in great part, to the number of. blue laws. If ten policemen are busy enforcing a liquor law and only one is hunting down a murder gang the chances arc that murder will increase in the comenforcement of law and order. munity where there is such a - too-drast- ic lop-sid- ed HARDINGS PLAN FOR WORLD PEACE IS TAKING FORM Two plans for the preservation of world peace seem to commend themselves to President-elec- t Harding one proposed by Elihu Root and the other by Colonel George Harvey. One contemplates a court of justice, the other a vote of the people before an offensive war is started. There would appear to be no reason why both plans could not he incorporated into a universal scheme of peace and supplemented hv an assembly of the nations for conference. It is said that the Harvey plan is along the lines of the plan proposed by William Jennings Bryan. If it should prove acceptable to the nations the names of Harvey and Bryan would echo everlastingly together down the corridors of time. If our memory serves us Colonel Harveys plan differs from that of Colonel Bryan in one respect. The Bryan proposal was that a plebiscite be held before any war is. declared; the Harvey proposal is that the vote be taken only in case of an offensive war. A moments consideration will show that the plans are virtually the same. Iii case of a sudden attack there is no time for a vote and probably oven Colonel Bryan did not expect a vote in such a case. In all other cases there arises the question as to whether the war is offensive or defensive. Only by concrete examples can we obtain a clear idea of t! e results of the plan. On many occasions before we entered the world war the question arose in this country whether we would be justified in declaring war on Germany. There was ample time for a vote. In fact, we could have taken more than one vote. At the time the Lusitania was sunk the people would have been called upon to decide whether, if we began war on Germany, we would be conducting an offensive or defensive war; also the people would have decided whether we were justified in beginning war. The vote probably would have been on the simple proposition of beginning war, but there would have been the two, questions in the mind of each voter whether we would be waging a war of defense and whether we ought to declare war. It will be seen that there is not always a clear distinction between the wars of offense and defense and quite obviously it would he necessary to arrange a plebiscite while the character of the war was in dispute. It will be seen, also, that the plans of Harvey and lirvan are substantially the same. In the case of sudden aggres- sion there would be no plebiscite, but in practically all other cases there would be. Even in a case where the war was one of defense it might be dvisable to have a plebiscite, but it would not be necessary to have he nations pledge themselves to this. Each nation could decide that nr itself. If, for example. Japan should seize an island in the Pacific hat belonged to us there would be no doubt about the defensive haracter of our warfare if we fought back, but we might decide ut to fight back. We might, by a vote of the people, decide that he island was not worth fighting for. Such a case might not come vithin the scope of Colonel Harveys plan, which would pledge the mtii.ns to take a vote only when there was question of commencing :i war of offense. Meantime the world court could be functioning. Before arranging plebiscites the nations could avail themselves of the services of a m w court of justice. In fact, the court could function at any time, even after war had begun. No mention is made of plebiscites on the question of making peace. During the progress of a war the question usually arises whether certain terms of peace should be accepted and a vote may be highly desirable. It is manifest, however, that the purpose of the world association, is to prevent war and that if a successful league can be formed for that purpose the means of securing peace after a war has begun will take care of themselves. In this connection, however, it might be well to consider a change in our constitution so that the senate may make peace by ratifing a treaty by majority vote. Bryan has been one of the foremost advocates of this plan, arguing cogently that it ought to be as easy to make peace as it is to make war. If the world court is established by the nations it will be advisable to rewrite the treaties of arbitration so that the court shall be the tribunal of arbitration. This would centralize g powers in the court and increase its effectiveness. The Harvey-Brya- n plan and the Root plan are substitutes for the League of Nations. The league is military in its conception and provides for the use of force to maintain peace. The other plans arc and justice. compounded of good-wi- ll Some who favor the plebiscite plan oppose the world court because it would involve the United States too much in European affairs. They argue that as a member of the world court, the United States would be a party to every dispute. It is a forceful objection and one that must be considered in all its bearings. On the other hand the weakness of the plebiscite is apparent. Its only sanction is the vote of a nation and sometimes the people of a nation are aggressive. It will not do to put too much faith in the proposition that there would be no wars if the people had the peace-makin- decision. The world court would have the advantage of setting the facts before all nations and of moulding public opinion. Thus the question of guilt or innocence would be clarified and the offending nation would suffer by becoming an outlaw. With one class of wars no scheme yet proposed deals adequately. Little progress has been made in finding ways to prevent civil wars ; and with the creation of world-wid- e empires civil wars are as frequent as other wars. It is reported that India is in revolt against Great Britain. If so, the revolt might develop into a gigantic conflict, and yet, even if the world court and the plesbiscite plan were functioning, there would be in them no machinery to prevent the conflict between two parts of an empire. CABLES SOUND WARNING Out of the controversy over the cable landing at Miami has come an investigation which is revealing international secrets. The British government is seeking a monopoly of cables so as to protect its supremacy in the trade of the world. The mere possession of the cables as a means of legitimate communication is a . |