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Show Published Every Saturday BY GOODWINS WEEKLY PUBLISHING CO., INC. F. P. GALLAGHER, Editor and Mgr. L. J. BRATAGER, Business Mgr. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: in the United States, Canada and Mexico $2.50 per year, Including postage $1.50 for six months. Subscriptions to all foreign countries, within the Postal Union, $4.50 per year. Single copies, 10 cents. Payment should be made by Check, Money Order or Registered Letter, pay able to The Citizen. Address all communications to The Citizen. Entered as second-clas- s matter, June 21, 1919, at the Postofflce at 8alt Lake tinder of March 3, 1879. Act the Utah, City, Ness Bldg. Salt Lake City, Utah. Phone Wasatch 5409. 311-12-- 13 CAMPAIGN BA TTLE LINES DRAWN AT CHICAGO It was inevitable that the League of Nations should become an issue at the Chicago convention despite the hope of many that the question could be kept out of the campaign. They cherished the belief that the question was not an issue and should not be made an issue because opinion in both the leading parties was divided. In the Democratic party, as in the Republican party, there were disagreements. Among the Democrats as among the Republicans there were, mild reservationists, strict reserva-tionis- ts and irreconcilables opposed to a declaration favoring any league constituted in conformity with the present covenant. In the Democratic ranks there is an additional group those who, with President Wilson, demand the ratification of the treaty without any reservations or, as they phrase it, without nullifying reserThe phrase is a mere disguise, for practically the presivations. dent and the irreconcilables of his type are opposed to reservations of any kind and use the phrase nullifying reservations solely for the purpose of gaining a better strategic position before the voters. Naturally, and not unreasonably, every national convention must consider the advisability of a compromise on questions about which there is such a wide diversity of views. The differences at Chicago were the evidence of a healthy party condition. Nothing was There was no steam roller. Always, of course, there was danger that sinister interests might dominate, that the party might commit itself to or to and thereby render a .clear-ccampaign impossible. It would not have been the first case of a candidates going before the country ostensibly as the leader of a party, while, in fact, representing a faction. It was hopeless to expect that the League of Nations would not well-defin- ed r cut-and-dri- ed. ultra-conservativ- ultra-radica- ls es ut become an issue. The question of nationalism versus internationalism requires us to decide whether we shall adhere to the policies of Washington, Jefferson and Monroe, or make the United States one nation among a union of nations. True, it is possible to occupy any one of many positions between ultra nationalism and extreme internationalism. The league proposed by President Wilson verges on extreme and involves a surrender of sovereignty on the part of the United States. By the terms of his- contract we agree to subordinate the United States, in many of its sovereign functions, to the will of an executive committee of a world club in which one of the signatories would have six times as many votes as ourselves. Even if, as the defenders of the six votes for the British empire averred, the six votes gained Great Britain no practical advantage, intcr-Qationali- - sm there was a suggestion of inferiority and subordination on the part of the nation having but one vote. The greatest of republics seemed to be taking second place to the greatest of monarchies. The most important surrender of sovereignty occurs in Article X, in which we bind ourselves to preserve the territorial integrity and existing political independence of the League nations at the will of the executive committee. It is this article which creates the that has so often been denounced by opponents of the Wilson league. It need hardly be said that such a sovereignty implies the surrender of the sovereign functions of any nation which signs the contract, but practically that nation surrenders most which has the most to give, the nation which has the richest resources of man power and material wealth. That nation guarantees to underwrite the league with money, ships' and men. However much, therefore, the patriotic men of both parties might wish to keep the question aloof from party politics their wishes could not control circumstances, for party machinery is the only means we have of settling great issues. Even when it is impossible to make the issue clear-cthe machinery of party must be employed and the country must muddle through. in view It was difficult, at Chicago, to make the issue clear-cu- t, of the fact that there were such wide divergencies of opinion. Everyone appeared to favor some association of nations for the common good of civilization, but the difficulty in coming to an agreement sprang from the existence of a treaty defining a particular associo-tioof nations and that treaty seemed to many to be the sole issue, at least for the practical purposes of the campaign. super-sovereign- ty ut n POKER POLITICS Once in a while the president displayed signs of a rudimentary sense of humor, but all merriment seems to have gone out of him. lie docs the foolish thing now with a downrightness that is grotesque, sccwing never to entertain the slightest suspicion that he is making himself absurd. Ilis letter criticising congress lays bare his own unworthy motive of gaining political advantage while lie is denouncing his opponents for the same manner of sinning. His own words, by a slight paraphrase, can be turned back-o- n him: It must be evident to all that the dominating motive which actuates the president is political expediency rather than lofty purpose to serve the public welfare. The tax system which he denounces the Republicans for not |