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Show THE 6 CITIZEN The hollowness of this pretense is apparent when we consider the situation of Germany, So rigorous are the terms of the peace treaty that Germany will be incapable of beginning a war until many years have passed. If she could acquire the necessary economic strength in a few years there are military reasons for not starting the conflict until 1935. That is the year when her war birth rate will begin to tell against France. In that year recruits for the French army will begin to fall off as a result of the reduced number of births in the years between character and will cease to function after the League of Nations has 1915 and 1919. But neither in an economic nor a military sense will Germany be ready for war within twenty or thirty years. Will the advocates of the league have the hardihood to declare that it will not begin to operate effectively for twenty or thirty years, or will they say that if the triple alliance continues for that period it can be described as a temporary arrangement ? We are much more liable to be involved in war than France within the period stated and our peril in the Pacific is at least as serious as Frances peril on her eastern border. It may be flattering to our vanity to have our friends declare that we will not need the aid of France. Perhaps not, but is it not the part of wisdom to prepare adequately against the unlimited possibilities of war? Who can prophesy that we shall not need France more than France will need come into effective operation. . aggression how earnest we should be to hold fast to the friendship of the republican Chinese. Some day, if we reject the Shantung deal, we shall be proud and glad that we stood by China. We shall have, on the other side of the Pacific a nation bound to us, as is. France on the other side of the o Atlantic, by every tie of gratitude and honor. If we are honest and moral in this crisis we shall lay up riches for our descendants. They will reap the harvest of our loyalty to principle and friends. If we keep ourselves on the highest plane of national honor and morality what nation is there that shall dare to point at us the finger of scorn or derision? Rather will they not be shamed and bow their heads in humiliation? Will not those nations that consented to the Shantung deal feel disgraced that they were so selfish and so blind as and democratic China to autocratic Japan? to sell out liberty-lovin- g At all events we shall be true to the best that is in us, to all that we revere in our forefathers and love in our national ideals, and we shall set up a standard of nobility in international. affairs that .will? help the cause of peace by purifying international relations. And may we not hope that with wiser counsels and changed policy the Japanese will be grateful to us some day for having kept faith with the cause of freedom. THE SPRINGFIELD us? The reluctance of the President to lay the treaty of alliance fore the Senate at the same time that he submitted the treaty of peace is not mystifying. The discussion of the alliance must necessarily bring out the weakness of the covenant. Mr. Wilson in proposing the supplementary agreement has exposed the fatal defect of the covenant and sealed its death warFor Americans now there is no rant, says the London Outlook. real alternative between a complete abstention from European politics or an equally complete association with European politics and governments that have been their partners in the war. OWL be- Springfield Republican remarks with owlish wisdom that the States Senate cannot be the only nation menaced by the league covenant if there are menaces in it. And the editor comes to the conclusion that all opposition in this country has its source in the Senate and politics. There were menaces to other nations in the league covenant and they either eliminated the perils or refused to sign the treaty. Grat Britain made a reservation that she should be permitted to have a navy as big as she saw fit no matter what the executive coun- THE cil of the league might suggest by way of disarmament to other STAND BY CHINA tradition and principles as well as enlightened self-- i constrain the United States Senate to repudiate the Shantung deal. If we acquiesce in the infamous compact we shall not be true to ourselves and will lose our influence for the spread of liberty and democracy. If we acquiesce we shall put out the torch of liberty enlightening the world and rank ourselves among nations that cling to autocracy. the In China and Korea nearly 400,000,000 people look to us for inspiration and guidance in the cause of civilization. There is something touching in the affectionate regard of the Chinese people for the United States. To them we are, in some degrees, all Washingtons and Lincolns, all champions of liberty. The Republic of China is our spiritual offspring whom we are in danger of selling as a slave to the Japanese autocracy. should prompt us to cherish our traditional Even friendship for the Chinese. If we fear Japan, let us pluck up courage because the uncounted millions of Chinese are still our friends. Well may we look with fear upon the growing power of the Japanese AMERICAN self-seeki- ng self-intere- st if we forsake China. It is not necessary that we denounce the Japanese as something less than human. We may concede to them all their graces, virtues and talents and yet regard with anxiety the spread of their dominion in Asia and on the Pacific. They are taking up the battle for autocracy where Germany left off. They will profit by the mistakes of Germany and will pursue their policies with the cunning they displayed at Versailles when they so easily baffled the diplomacy of President Wilson. If the Japanese were an inferior race we would not fear them; we would laugh at them. Because we realize their high capacities and their utter indifference to, if not contempt for, democratic institutions and Christian ideals, we are afraid for the future. If our future be menaced by the sinister shadow of Japanese expansion and Japan refused to join the league unless she was given Shantung and the other German possessions north of the equatoi. China was menaced by the covenant and refused to sign the treaty. Can the Springfield Republican blame all of this on the United States Senate and American politics ? We asked nothing for ourselves at the Versailles conference and we got just that. In fact, we got something less. We gave the other strong nations what they demanded and obligated ourselves to fight to keep them in possession of their spoils. For thirty years we will be the slaves of the allies, says Dr. Bauer, Austrian foreign minister. A year or so ago the good doctor thought the allies were going to be the slaves. '. liquor may be imbibed by the Congress provided that the immediate family and bona fide guests. fide? Bill Haywood says unnecessary. possessor, Who wouldnt be bona , that the war with Germany Was as a whole, He probably believes in a 2.75 per cent war. Perhaps well have to ask the negroes to join the League of They are such good fighters. The President vetoes daylight saving as if he thought he could veto da light and make it stick. One of the wars wooden ships burned on the Pacific coast. we know what they are good for. Noj The Filipinos are planning to pass a dry law. Evidently the Filipinos are as bad as we were. |
