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Show Henry Fuirlit Halt akf Sribttnc Danger A Part of Diplomats Job Sja-cia- Monday Morning, May 12, 19S0 Section A Reaction to Exiles Tide Reflects V ague Immigration Philosophy entry. The emerging complaint against the Carter handling of the Cuban influx is a familiar one with this administration: it doesnt seem to have a definite policy or plan. The presidents open arms welcome, for example, was a reversal of previous attitudes which led to citations and possible fining of boat who Cubrought visa-les- s captains bans ashore. Further confusion in the govern- ments response is evident in the different ways it is handling refugees from Cuba and those from Haiti, a disparity we first noted some days ago. Virtually all the Cubans are being treated as political exiles fleeing a Communist regime and as such their assimilation in the United States is expedited. But most of the several thousand refugees from right-win- g Haiti have as yet been accorded no such favor. As a matter of fact, many, perhaps most, of the new arrivals from both distressed nations are economic rather than political exiles. Not only is policy vague but federal preparations for dealing with the tide of newcomers produced aid that is too little and too late. In this regard, it should be noted that nobody expected Fidel Castro to throw open the gates of his island stockade and let so many people go at once. A degree of confusion and straining of reception facilities was to be expected.. Although jumbling spawned by the flood of refugees from Cuba and Haiti is evidence of lack of clear policy regarding this particular refugee challenge, it is by no means an isolated instance. The same general vagueness ap- plies to overall immigration philosophy. This is so despite the fact that an overhauled immigration law went into effect only weeks ago. The Cubans have already made a shambles of that statute which, among other things, provided for the fines on boat captains already mentioned. Tho absence of a thoroughly U.S. response to almost thought-ou- t unprecedented refugee pressures from various parts of the world, especially from next door Mexico, is a glaring and increasingly serious shortcoming. The Coast Guards top officer, Adm. John B. Hayes, has urged the White House to negotiate with Cuba for a safer sealift, terming the small boat armada now traveling back and forth between Florida and Cuba a disaster waiting to happen. In a much larger sense, this countrys imprecise immigration philosophy in the faice of todays realities is an even greater potential disaster. Persons fleeing oppression, political or economic, should not be denied hope of coming to the United States. But neither can they again be given carte blanche entry because of the whim of a Fidel Castro, if Backlog of Reason There are many reasons a sizable backlog of dormant criminal cases has accumulated in the Salt Lake County Attorneys office. One reason is a significant factor in all the others. It can be called the there ought to be a law syndrome. Every session of the Utah Legislature is barnacled with bills proposing laws to treat this or that real or imagined evil, frailty or frustration. But once passed, such laws are or not at all. enforced In the case of the Salt Lake County backlog, the first steps toward enforcement were taken. From the nature of some of the complaints, however, it is obvious that the countys lawyers decided they had more important matters to pursue. It adds up to an inefficient and hypocritical system but one that is deftly attuned to the realities of everyday existence. Laws against gambling, mistreat- half-hearted- ly ment of animals, jaywalking and similar conduct provide a legal response in cases of flagrant violation. They also salve the conscience of a community. But vigorous enforcement was never intended and would be impossible if it had been. TTie dormant file of such cases in the County Attorneys office is a modest tribute to reason. The backlog is a natural result of laws that seek to change or control human nature and are thus foredoomed. I Orbiting Paragraphs Y(u have stayed too late at the parts when your host starts serving drinks in his pajamas T'ae trouble with President Carter he is doe sn't do unto others us they do unto us. If all babies are beautiful how do we wind up with so many homely adults separates the men from the are too bus. VHiat fathers Post The time has come to say what for more than six mouths has been almost the unsayable President Carter and the American public in general have from the beginning been guilty of a grievous error in their attitude to the IilfJC It When Cuban refugees were arriving in the United States at the rate of more than 3,000 a day, President Carter said this country would receive them with an open heart and open arms. With the exception of some people in Florida, most Americans may share that sentiment. They would also agree that there must be a better way of meeting mounting pressures from desperate persons seeking U.S. to The Washington l Itoys are who American hostages in Tehran Consideration for the lives and safety of lhe.se 53 Americans should never have been given the priority that has been allowed A nation ought not to permit its wider policy to lie itself held hostage to the fate of its diplomatic officials abroad. Diplomatic staffs are as much in the front line in peace as a countrys servicemen are in war. Although an international code has been worked out over the years to try to ensure the safety of diplomatic missions, the very need for such a code is an cknowledgement that such missions may well find themselves in danger m the host countries.; To be a diplomat in some parts of the world today is clearly as dangerous as it was in some parts of Europe in the time of Vlachiavelli. Exacting Redress There is no reason to apologize for turning again to Satows Guide to Diplomatic Practice." of which the fifth and fully revised edition was published last year. In the chapters on attacks on embassies and kidnapping of diplomats the new Satow is clear that all that the aggrieved government really c..n do in such circumstances is eventually to secure restitution and redress from the host government. At no time does he contemplate that other than diplomatic means will be used, or that the embarrassment of such incidents should be allowed to affect the high policy of the injured nation. None of the attacks on diplomatic missions that he offers as illustrations was as severe as that in Tehran has become in the past six in months, but they had characteristics common, as can be seen in his account of the destructive attack on the British mission in Peking in 1907 during the Cultural Revolution in China. On June 7, 1967, there were officially inspired h demonstrations in Peking. An intrusion was made into the premises of the British Mission, in the course of which the royal portrait was damaged. (Since the portrait of the queen is the visible symbol of the head of state, Satow seems to regard its destruction as the ultimate violation, perhaps more serious than any personal injury to a member of the mission.) There were other incidents in Peking until, on Aug. 22. a very large crowd of demonstrators entered the missions compound and set fire to and sacked the chancery building, which was destroyed. The fire naturally smoked out the members of the British mission, who included five women and were led by the British charge daffaires, and they were physically attacked and beaten by the demonstrators as they tried to leave the building. Protest Out of Hand which had been At this the Chinese army stepped in present throughout the outrages and rounded up the diplomats. These were, in effect, taken into protective custody. Although it was officially inspired, the demonstration w as getting out of hand, and the Chinese moved to control it. But on Aug. 30 the members of the British mission were obliged to appear publicly before abase themselves and the demonstrators, apologize for their countrys actions. The charge daffaires set the example by staunchly refusing to oblige. When the demonstrators then began to manhandle him, the Chinese army again stepped in to stop them. In the following week the prime minister of i. issued a directive to the China. Chou Red Guards in the streets. As far as the missions of foreign powers were concerned, he said, the militants ought to be content to demonstrate but not penetrate." This at once dampened down the demonstrations, and four years later the Chinese government announced that it would bear the cost of rebuilding the mission's premises, although other British claims remain unsettled. Different Situation the emphasis that the United States put on the fate of the hostages from the veiy beginning did not make it difficult for am Iranian government to separate itself from the actions of the militants One may then turn to the general principles that the new Satow deduces from the illustra turns he gives Attacks of the kind described imply an aroused public, possibly aroused That was quite a catalogue of NEW YORK futility, frustration and fumble that Gov. Hugh L. Carey of New York rattled off the other day "The interest rates, the discharge of auto workers, the near collapse of the economy on the housing side, unemployment raging upwards. skyrocketing inflation unchecked, a lack of consistency and total uncertainty in foreign policy. And it is just that btany of disaster that makes growing numbers of Democrats like Carey reluctant to see their party renominate Jimmy Carter. They have no confidence in the presidents leadership at home or abroad, and they fear he cannot win anyway. : Bob Strauss, Carters manager, predictably charges their reluctance to a purty wrecking mentality and says it can only result in a purty split and the election of Ronald Reagan. But what the pcrcetive Strauss probably knows in his heart is that Carey and others think Carter is likely to lose the election anyway and are desperately casting about for an alternative uli might not. j do?s not really answer the complaint. Despite an untiring campaign, Kennedy has not proved himself the strong candidate he was widely assumed to be when he announced Few outside hi ( campaign circle now consider him a winning alternative to Carter. Yet. even after mobilizing all the powers of inrumltcncy, Carter in four months of campaigning has not been able to knock the senator out of the race. He lost to Kennedy in M issaehusetts, Connecticut. New York and Pcmiis.vlvunia, and might well lose to him again In .New Jersey on June 3 Those states ure the on which so many heiirt of the "Northeast Dixmocratic candidates have relied liovr And if California curried 3 Way Race June 3 Kennedy also primary, the president on wins the will have in the in Texas only one primary four largest states. Even m Texas, where Riagan surely will lie powerful next fall, one in fine Democrats cast a no preference vote. Oijc-thirof Colorado's Democrats stayed in committed at caucuses this month It Is the uiiNipular prosped, moreover, of a el i nee between Carter and Reagan hat creates the opportunity for the John Anderson imtcjM-n-dml candidacy, and thus the likelihood that there will be another knu'f Democratic party s i d See Page A-- 9, Column En-la- As I read this account of the incidents, I could recall only the dimmest memories of them, presumably because the British response was so muted: There was very little huffing and puffing. only a series of protests that established the grounds for restitution later, and a few restrictions placed on the staff of the Chinese mission in Britain. One of the protests was characteristically typed by the charge d'affaires himself and sent by him to the Chinese government by ordinary mail in the absence of the usual diplomatic facilities. The Iranian government in the last six months has never issued any directive like that of Chou En-la- i, drawing the line at demonstration but not penetration, and so the American government has been faced with a very different situation as it has slowly and woefully developed. But one cannot help asking whether James Wiegliart Why Did Carter Ignore Need To Attend Titos Funeral? New York Daily News One would think that President Carter, as the acknowledged master WASHINGTON of the symbolic gesture, would have recognized the symbolic importance , , of his attendance at the state funeral of President Tito of Yugoslavia. The last survivor of the World War II leaders, Tito occupied a very special niche in international politics as a leader and spokesman for the Third World, nations. He rebuilt his war-torfragmented and backward nation into a powerful industrial state and though a communist, he broke with Stalin and charted an independent course for his country, aligned with neither the Soviet bloc nor the United States and its allies. Heads of State It was because of his great stature on the world scene that heads of state and government from around the globe journeyed to Belgrade this week to participate in the state funeral for Tito. Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev, although his health is fragile, made the trip to Belgrade, as did Chinese Premier Hua Guofeng, Japanese Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, North Korean President Kim II Sung and either the head of state or head of government of most major nations. But Carter, who recently lifted the travel ban he imposed upon himself because of the hostage crisis in Iran so that he could resume political campaigning, sent Vice President Walter Mondale in his stead to head the U.S. delegation. Carter's absence was duly noted in Belgrade, non-align- n, Some Democrats Still Search for Alternative to Carter That Carter is leading Sen. Edward Kennedy by about two to one in delegates and may well clajm a majority Indore the convention oens ... anti-Britis- Tom Wicker New York Times Service by the receiving government, as well as a In an degree of political instability. unstable political situation, an alert and mission should be able, even without specific foreknowledge, to sense when disorder and perhaps violence are to be expected In such a case, a request in advance split. A weak president who might not even be e able to win a battle with Reagan almost certainly would lose in a three-wa- y race in which Anderson would get a big Democratic vote. But if an acceptable alternative to Carter not Kennedy could be nominated. Anderson's campaign would probably fade and he might even be induced to withdraw. That could provide a better Democratic opportunity than a Carter nomination begrudged and resented by much of the party Democrat who has privately helpful to Anderson and might well be in an Anderson Cabinet, if there should be one, told me recently, for example, that he was not ready to endorse Anderson. Why? He still hoes the Democrats, somehow, some way, will nominute Vice President Mondale, whom he could support, rather than Carter, whom he An anti-Carte- tn-e- r could not. Undeclared Democrats Arc there possibilities other than Mondale One might lurk in the fact that although the have scarceHenry Jackson been heard from this year, their most Son Put Moymhan, has chosen like Carey not to declare himself for either Carter or Kennedy The remarkable groping among Democrats for an alternative to an incun, lient president of their own party is spurred by the assumption that tilings are likely to get worse for (al ter ly articulate spokesman, recession and unemployment rising while inflation, if it declines at all, remains unacceptably high: no early release of the hostages, a new gasoline tax due at the pump after May 15: continued foreign policy bungling, like Carters inexplicable decision not to go to President Tito's funeral. sentiment could become a raging fever if Kennedy wins California and New Jersey. But that's a big "if. In any case, dumping a president who does not aim to he dumped, in favor of a vice president who would actively discourage the dumping, is the kind of long shot that pays off more often at Churchill Downs than at political conventions. Dump-Carte- r where it provoked a good deal of adverse comment from government officials and widespread criticism in the European press. Adding to the slight of Carters absence was the fact that the U.S. delegation, which included Carters mother. Miss Lillian, and Treasury Secretary G. William Miller, was, with a few other notable exceptions, lacking in weight and distinction. There were, for instance, no Supreme Court justices on the delegation, nor any leaders from the House or Senate, nor any governors or mayors, nor any outstanding former government officials save W. Averell Harriman. In Carters defense, a White House official pointed out that two U S. congressmen with ethnic ties to Yugoslavia Reps. George W. and Rep. Ray Kogovsek, Danielson. were on the delegation. The official said that several other congressional leaders had been asked to attend the funeral but were unable to go because of schedule conflicts. But he was unable to comment on reports that the White House had. In making out the delegation, ignored a list of distinguished Americans suggested for the delegation. List of Names those Among reportedly suggested by the Belgrade government are former President Gerald R. Ford, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, former U.S. Ambassador George Kennan. former Defense Secretary Roliert Lovett, former Military Governor of Germany John J. McCloy and David Rockefeller. chairman of the board of Chase Manhattan Bank. The list of names was allegedly sent by the Belgrade government through diplomatic channels to the State Department where it was forwarded to the White House with concurrence by the State Department. At the White House there was no ready explanation of why Ford. Kissinger, Kennan. Lovett, McCloy and Rockefeller were not asked to attend as part of the U.S. delegation. One official said "the State Department list was far too long and a lot of names had to be excluded." Of the excluded group, all are prominent Republicans except Kennan, who made his reputation as a career diplomat and expert on the Soviet Union. Kennan has recently been critical of Carters policy toward the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, calling the presidents description of the invasion as posing the greatest threat since World War II" an overreact ion. Prominent Persons Despite the exclusion of such prominent persons suggested by the Yugoslavs, a White House official called the official delegation a distinguished one" and said it was representaof the country. tive of a broad cross-sectio- n But, aside from those on the delegation who were obviously selected because of their ties to Search for Alternative effort to nominate anyone other than Carter would lie complicated, too, by party rules under which muic delegates than once would have been the case will be tightly bound to him or to Kennedy. The credentials and rules challenges, platform fights, and other maneuvers by which candidates once could turn conventions around, or at leust open them up. may not be effective. various ethnic groups in Yugoslavia, the membership appeared to have been selected largely on a political basis. For example, there were no Republican leaders on the delegation, but Edward Campbell. Iowa Democratic chairman and a strong hacker, was. And though the vast majority of states were not represented on the delegation, including stutes with large Servian and Croatian populations such as Illinois and Ohio, there were five Minnesotans, including Still, Democrats who fear Carter more than a party split are not likely to accept the Strauss view that once the president has a paper majority, the nomination is "moot." They are likely to carry the search for an alternative right down to the roil call. The White House seems to have put together the U S. delegation to Titos funeral on the basis of narrow partisan polities, using the government-financetrip to Belgrade as a puvoff of sorts fur political cronies of Carter and Momlule. An Copyright! Moudule. Copy right v 1 |