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Show Friday. November 8. If If TYJk TT "WH Tf THE HERALD. Provo, Utah, The IIorolH Jfc roQorc syndicated columnists and cartoonists discuss vital issues jT. Jf MMltHjulb t -- 7" 1985 - Page 19 ,$! '$tVf fie Herald Comments V Any Talk, Tough Hope springs eternal. With that thought President Reagan seized the initiative and announced a new nuclear weapons limitation proposal recently. He said that the most recent Soviet proposal in that area "unfortunately fell considerably short" in certain areas but contained "seeds" that could lead to an agreement. He is trying to nurture those seeds in his proposal. He knows the Soviets well enough not to take them at their word, but has not been so cynical as to remove all possibility of lessening world tension. He has not been the cowboy president so often depicted in Soviet cartoons. He has been willing to work hip-shooti- ng hard toward reaching some kind of agreement at the sumit meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev later this month. He told Soviet journalists during a recent interview he would accept some of Gorbachev's figures. The Soviet leader proposed a reductiqnof approxi matey 50 'percent in missiles and bombers carrying nuclear weapons. Reagan said his program calls for "deep cuts" and "no cheating." The "no cheating" proviso is importance. Hi- of particular storically, the Soviets have cheated on most of their international agreements. Reagan will address other issues during the summit confer- MM ence. He will also discuss et attempts to force Marxism on the peoples of Central Amer-- . ica and other parts of the world. Still, arms control is important. As Reagan observed, "First you've got to eliminate the suspicions and paranoia between us." American diplomats, the President included, are well-awar- e of the need to proceed carefully. They recognize the Soviets are not the friendly guys next door they want to appear to be. Still, it never hurts to talk. By opening the channels of communication and keeping to- them di) en,- - jKemabe-abi- e avoid the nuclear calamity which all of us fear so greatly. What Moscow Is Really Is Worried About Now By PAUL HARVEY During all the summit preparation, have you been listening? Soviet leader Gorbachev and his foreign minister in every public utterance denounce our Presidents preparation for what they call "star wars." Study the apex of the only proposed space weapons which they find objectionable and it becomes obvious that what really worries Moscow is that we are developing the potential for defending ourselves! The "big three" in the new Soviet diplomatic offensive are head red Gorbachev, Mrs. Gorbachev and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze. The Soviets have discovered television, however have taught their leaders to "smile." uncomfortably And with measurable success already. All the maneuvering by the Soviets was designed to put our President to depict him as the on the defensive warmonger contemplating "star wars" thus to mislead you and, if possible, to drive a wedge of misunderstanding between us and our European allies. President Reagan repeatedly referred to his proposed weapons system rs "a peacekeeper," as a "space defense weapon." The Soviets persistently relate it to "star wars" and urge us instead to join them in a "Star Peace" program of nonmilitary space research. With enough repetition of their point of view in our generous media and almost no mention of our point of view inside the USSR, their propaganda is infinitely more effective than our rebuttal. Much of the bargaining is on a technical level which gets little mention or it ; .AyrA i : , V'"--.'- , . Paul Harvey When, for example, the Soviets offer "mutually to reduce stockpiles of nuclear weapons." understanding that requires understanding this: The Soviets count equally all missiles. You and 1 are not strategic weapons experts but even we can see the fallacy in that. Yet. the Soviet party line right now is proclaiming with fanfare Moscow's willingness to "reduce all nuclear missiles 50 percent." They say they will if we will. even if they kept Yet, such a deal their part of any such bargain, need not reduce at all their vastly superior arsenal of heavy missiles. And their heavy missiles are "heavy"; one carries 10 highly accurate warheads. The new Soviet hierarchy would like to generate enough public opinion pressure to force our President to make such potentially suicidal concessions! SS-1- 8 FAMILY PLANNING How many children Americans want G) 012 wmi Sovi- 3 4 5 4 MEN 20 11 33 17 10 WOMEN 16 n 33 21 9 61 2 3 2, 5 More Foggy Bottom Intrigue From the laygroun By JACK ANDERSON And JOSEPH SPEAR WASHINGTON - A 198b Virginia Slims Americans Women's Poll NEA GRAPHIC Americans have or want to have two children or less. Today, 60 percent of Americans think two or less is ideal, but in 1941, only 30 percent of Americans preferred small families. majority of fast-talkin- g The distinguished ca- reer diplomat's memo to the secretary of state, stamped secret, was blunt and bitter in describing the Pentagon's feel- ings toward Foggy Bottom professionals. "In the minds of the military," he wrote, "the State Department Foreign Service officials are grouped in a single and uncomplimentary category. In their eyes, we are 'slick salesmen,' glib, starry-eyed- , tricky, devious, irresponsible, bloodthirsty finaglers, fuzzy thinkers ... the catalog of terms, of course, ends with perveTTST" Is this some complaint to George Shultz about Defense Secretary generCaspar Weinberger's super-mach- o als and admirals? Nothing of the sort. The memo was written to the late Secretary of State Dean Acheson in 1950 by a senior career diplomat, G. Lewis Jones. It was in the "Playground Papers" we wrote about several months ago documents blowing secret and around the playground of an abandoned schoolhouse in Southeast Washington, D.C. They were the deceased diplomat's personal papers, apparently discarded by thieves who broke into the warehouse where they had been stored for many years. The brass hats believe that it's the State Department's fault if the United States gets involved in "commitments in unpleasant faraway places," Jones wrote. "The military in a grudging way feels that theirs would be a pleasant and peaceful profession if there were no State Department," he went on. In his contacts with "military friends" at the war college, Jones wrote, "there was both spoken and unspoken implication that it was the State Department which got them into the unpleasantness of Korea." Using a homey comparison that must have been foreign to the aristocratic Ache-soJones wrote: "The words 'slick salesmen' or 'operators' probably best describe their (the military's) distrust of departmental individuals in the mass. We are classed in much the same unfavorable it top-secr- door-to-do- I r i'i 1 J I him." J ones Lid eajisJiilLaveGeiirgp Kptm an the eminent career diplbmat and specialist in Soviet affairs, write a personal letter to MacArthur, who thought highly of Kennan. Jones, who thoughtfully attached a draft of a letter for Kennan, evidently thought that someone who could deal with Stalin and Molotov might at least stand a fighting chance with MacArthur. In a document found in the playground, Jones gave a shrewd critique of the Pentagon's methods of estimating Soviet military capabilities. This time he used a sports metaphor that even Acheson would have understood: "Attempting to foresee lines of Soviet action is like attempting to determine in the first quarter of a football game what the quarterback of the opposition will do in the last quarter. The truth is that the quarterback does not know what he will do in the last quarter. His course of action will be determined by such factors as the score, where he is on the field and the players he has available." Words of wisdom the Gipper might want to heed in Geneva. OH RATS! China has an estimated 4 billion rats four of the predatory verso the recent min for each human recipe in the China Daily may not have been tongue-in-chee- k after all. Here it is: "Catch one rat. Scald with steam and plunge it into cold water to peel off the fur. Carefully gut the bald rat and soak in brine, ginger and pepper before flattening it into a steak with weights. After drying for a day, cook in a sealed pot with rice, bran and a soupcon of sesame oil until the aroma permeates the whole kitchen. Then top-secr- : III I Jack Anderson nil- - eat it." The kitchen, that is. CONFIDENTIAL FILE: Why is the Reagan administration so concerned about guarding U.S. interests in the Caribbean? It's not, as some critics charged, to make the world safe for American tourists. An internal draft report prepared sun-seeki- by the congressional Office of Technology Assessment points out that more than 50 percent of U.S. trade, including many strategic materials, comes and goes through the Caribbean. In an emergency, the area would have "critical strategic importance," the study notes, and a growing SovietCuban military presence would "endanger U.S. logistical support for NATO forces in Europe as well as the delivery of strategic materials to the United States." UNDER THE DOME: Sen. Mitch has apparently studied old Jack Benny films and learned the histrionic value of the pregnant pause. In debate over the excise tax on cigarettes, the Kentuckian replied with native expertise to suggestions that tobacco farmers could be persuaded to grow other crops. "On one-haof 'holler,' there is nothing else you can do profitably," McConnell said, adding after a long pause, "and legally." Could he have been suggesting that enterprising tobacco farmers might switch to lf marijuana? New Zealcmder Concern More Than Just Throwing His Weight Around By DON GRAFF - UNITED NATIONS (NEA) David Lange is. as he likes to describe himself, a large prime minister of a small country. He gets no arguments on either point. At some 260 pounds, Lange (the correct pronunciation, about which there is some uncertainty even around here, is LAHNG-ee- ) is not the physical sort to be lost in even the very large crowds that have been hanging out at the United Nations lately. New Zealand, on the other hand, with a population of a bit more than 3 million, is one of the smaller members of the world community. But its ebullient prime minister turned out to be something of a star at the U.N.'s celebration. He was one of speakers in the General Assembly on the big day, Oct. 24, the date the U.N. charter went into effect in 1945. which was otherwise reserved for representatives o! great powers and superpowers. And an earlier press conference drew possibly the m 'st attention of any during the session. Lange owes much of this attention to his dilterences with the United States, over port calls by nuclear-armewarships, and France, over its continued nuclear testing in the South Pacific. The ongoing tilts have given New Zealand sudden and unaccustomed international prominence. The prime minister is himscll among the first to acknowledge the source ol his celebrity, But, as he sees it, to locus on the publicity is to miss the point of New Zealand's run-iwith two of its closest allies. "We would also have a higher profile," he has commented, "fl we had a call with d source saleslight as the man who forces unwanted wares on a baffled and inarticulate but honest householder." Interestingly, in another secret letter Jones suggested the very kind of manipulative effort that had aroused military distrust of Foggy Bottom. Hoping to get the State Department's views presented favorably to Gen. Douglas MacArthur, who was then the de facto emperor of Japan, Jones wrote: "An opportunity may exist to reach the general on a personal basis in circumstances likely to impress n eight legs." The real point is not being different but in keeping faith with a principle that the nuclear threat must be addressed wherever there is the opportunity and must be contained This w; the theme of Lange's somewhat muted assembly address, in which he made no specific reference to the issues in dispute with the United States and France, and in his considerably more outspoken press conference. On that occasion, he took both countries to task again by name, but added that he does not doubt that, in both cases, the differences will eventually be resolved. in the case of the United States, History 150 years of mutual involvement and common interests mean more long-terthan a temporary disruption. This is not the first issue on which Lange has been at odds with the United States. As a young attorney in Auckland during the '60s. he was a sharply outspoken critic of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, which a majority of New Zealanders largely supported at the time At one point, he was denied a, visa to visit the I'nited States because of his outspokenness. At 42. Lange is only slightly older, as he pointed out in his assembly speech, than the t'nited Nations itseli. He is ! a generation that, throughout the world, is just rising to positions ot power. His rise in New Zealand has been especially rapid. First elected to parliament in 1977, he quickly distinguished himscll as an orator and, in 1983, led the Labor Party to a landslide election victory in wli ch the l "W-T-- T I if Luk ' V- Donald Graff issue was key. This is the point the United States must understand, he now says. His government's position on the unacceptability of nuc lear weapons under any circumstances on New Zealand territory has the endorsement of the New Zealand electorate. It is a long way from being a boy wonder in New Zealand politics to sharing the U.N podium with the likes of Ronald Reagan. Lange, however, sees nothing unusual with it, however. Rather, it's what the United Nations is all about. "The great powers don't need it, the small do," he snys. "They depend on the rule of law." And then he adds: "A small country hai a distinctive voice which ought to be heard and not patronized." |