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Show nnw Alhxnranit lit? TT TO fVlKBWnDCIDDIlDu; With whom would you most like to be stranded on a desert island? Marilyn Zink Sting, from the police. Page A2 Thursday, June 3, 1982 IEdlfittaDirfisafl j v Second-year teachers deserve the right to due process Coming up with a consistently high performance at one's job requires a knowledge that one is going to be trusted with responsibility, treated fairly and dealt with openly. In the Park City School system, teachers have the responsibility, but it's doubtful all of them are getting a fair deal. In this school district, as in most districts in Utah, teachers work the first three years as probationary employees. The Utah Orderly Termination Procedures Act covering public employees says school boards have the option of terminating a probationary teacher without giving a reason, either written or verbal. The Park City Education Association (the teachers union) wants the probation period cut to one year. After that, teachers would go on tenure, meaning they would have the right to due process the right to appeal if they should be terminated. But the Board of Education is hanging on to its option to fire a teacher without cause up through the first three years. Presumably, a teacher or any employee is fired because he's not doing the job. But the right to fire without cause allows the school board to go beyond that. Beginning teachers, under this law, will always be conscious of the possibility of losing their jobs because of saying the wrong thing, being disliked by a more influential colleague or being too active in union politics. If tenure were given in the second year, the school board would be giving up its right to a three-year period in which to fire a teacher for a reason other than incompetence. The board wants to retain its option to look a teacher over for three years before deciding whether he fits into the system. But in the Salt Lake City school system, the board of education has given up that right, and has found it works well. Teachers there are tenured in the first year. If somebody isn't doing his job, is behaving badly or is irritating the administration, he's called in and asked to correct the deficiency, and is given help in doing so. The key to success in such a set-up is remediation. It's perfectly normal that a new teacher would have some problems in just doing the job, which is a demanding one, or in getting along with colleagues or administration. And more experienced teachers develop deficiencies too. They get burned out, lose interest, or maybe can't adjust to new ideas. It's the philosophy in the Salt Lake district that you should be able to remediate or terminate a teacher at any time in the first, tenth or twentieth year. And that theory works. Since its inception, there have been 63 official Cases of remediation. Half of those are still on the job and doing well; the rest either resigned or were fired, with no lawsuits law-suits resulting. In Park City, school officials fear that if they do tell a probationary teacher he's being fired for something other than being a bad teacher, they will open themselves up to lawsuits. But experience shows it works the other way, too. One teacher fired without cause two years ago from the middle school here during her third year is now suing the school board, stating her termination came because of activities with the Education Association. The association and the school board are negotiating a new contract right now. The board has refused to discuss the remediation and tenure issues this year. But the association, and at least one board member, are hopeful the matter will be negotiated next year. Teachers are not pushing the matter now. They trust the current board to continue acting fairly and up-front, but they want protection from future boards who might be more arbitrary in their refusal to renew contracts. A lack of trust is damaging to the spirit. Any employee performs better if he feels secure in the system; when he feels all are being treated equally and fairly. The Board of Education's stand is legal under the state law. But when the matter comes up again next year, board members should be open to considering the advantages of due process for new teachers. WOK &0V5..VHV DOlfr WE JUST SAY THAT ALt MEN ARE CREATEP EQOALm AND WW iMB WIES COOK OUT FDRTHEMSEWK f by Jack Anderson Weekly Special! Union men claim proof of Donovan's link to mob Washington Last week, President Reagan informed the press that he had seen nothing which had "reduced" his confidence in Labor Secretary Raymond Ray-mond Donovan, who is under investigation investi-gation by a special prosecutor and the Senate Labor Committee for alleged mob connections and payoffs to union officials. For more than a year now, we've been reporting on the serious charges against Donovan. His chief accuser has been Mario Montuoro. Montuoro was a labor-union reformer. reform-er. He recently became a millionaire, thanks to the New York State lottery, but he still wants to reform his union local. And he still sticks by his story that Donovan was present at a 1977 luncheon when a $2,000 payoff to a union official was made by an executive of Donovan's construction company. This is a classic confrontation along the lines of the Hiss-Chambers battle some 35 years ago. Like Montuoro, Whittaker Chambers was an obscure, man with a mission. Like Donovan, Alger Hiss was a prominent person of apparently impecable respectability. But like Hiss, Donovan has denied any wrongdoing. He insists he wasn't at the payoff luncheon. He claims he's never even been to the restaurant in question. Obviously, one of the two is lying. Unfortunately for Donovan, Mon-tuoro's Mon-tuoro's accusation can't be lightly dismissed. Previous testimony by Montuoro has proved reliable; he helped to convict a labor-union official of tax evasion just last year. And now we ve located another union man who lends credence to Montuoro's story. He is Larry Kudla, a member of Teamsters Local 282 in New York. He recently told what he knows to a grand jury. Kudla testified to the grand jury that he was told about the payoff luncheon by Montuoro as long ago as 1978. That was long before Ray Donovan was known outside construction circles. In other words, Montuoro would have had no reason to make up a story about someone as obscure as Donovan was then. Kudla has long been involved in ferreting out labor corruption. He informed members of his local about a shady union official named Harry Gross, and "some of that information led to a Justice Department indictment of Gross. He is accused of having been a "ghost" employee of Donovan's construction firm. That is someone who does no work but is kept on the payroll to keep peace with a corrupt labor union, and it is against the law. Kudla has no ax to grind with Donovan. In fact, he told the grand jury that he didn't know who Donovan was until he saw him in a New York Times picture, standing with presidential presiden-tial candidate Ronald Reagan at a New York subway construction site that Donovan's company was working on. Pre-Invasion Story: The communiques communi-ques from the Falkland Islands have been silent on one subject: the story of the pre-invasion of West Falkland. More than three weeks before the British commandos landed, 50 Royal Marines hit the beaches. They belong to the most secret, most elite unit in the British Navy the Special Boat Squadron. Squad-ron. Only the fiercest fighting men are accepted. They receive rigorous training train-ing in the military arts and become experts with every James Bond device in the British arsenal. Their motto is "Not by strength but by guile." The last week of April, 50 of these men parachuted into the icy waters off West Falkland. They wore black wetsuits. Their parachutes were black. They carried black collapsible boats. They bailed into the Antarctic waters at night and slipped ashore unseen. For three weeks, they hid by day and scouted by night. They mapped the Argentine defenses, noted the weak points, located the safest landing sites. Then they tape-recorded their secret reports, which were scrambled and condensed into one-second burps. The spies packed small hand transmitters, which they used to send the one-second sound burps to British headquarters by satellite. This is the first time these amazing transmitters have been used under wartime conditions. But both American Ameri-can CIA agents and Soviet KGB agents use similar devices to send secret reports. The sound bursts are too quick to intercept. The British landing on West Falkland, Falk-land, meanwhile, was safe, swift and sure. The commandos can thank the silent men of the Special Boat Squadron. What's Next: Rep. Robin Beard, R-Tenn., has requested hearings into the flow of defense technology to the Soviets. We predict he'll find that advanced weapons guidance systems, designed in the United States, have been incorporated into weapons behind the Iron Curtain ... Nicaraguan diplomats in Washington are unhappy with the leftist Sandinista government. Look for the first secretary, the consul and the ambassador himself to resign in the near future. Copyright, 1982 United Feature Syndicate, Inc. Choral Pepper A man who's intelligent, and can figure things out, so I won't get Dorea. Debra Dietz Stuart Felton. "-. jprr 'X . K Wendy Tofte The Monday night disc jockey on KPCW. IP , 1 -' 1 - r NT hi - Ginger Tofte Nicki! by Stanley Karnou (BIlaDllDall Mew Barbara Stiles My husband. wmmm FMfrtn t f sill A look back at the Marshall Plan, 35 years after the fact Washington This season of graduation gradu-ation ceremonies reminds me of my own commencement exercise at Har-vard Har-vard on a warm June afternoon just 35 years ago. Though I hardly knew it at the time, I was witnessing one of the great moments of the century. The honored guest, Secretary of State George C. Marshall, delivered an inaudible speech that, I recall, was mercifully short. Only later did I realize real-ize that he was proclaiming what Winston Win-ston Churchill would call "the most un-sordid un-sordid act in history" the Marshall Plan. Most Americans and many Europeans, Europe-ans, I would guess, have forgotten that initiative if they ever heard of it. But looking back, it was a crucial turning point of the time. Relations between the United States and Western Europe are strained these days, as President Reagan is bound to perceive on his major summit meeting meet-ing abroad. Yet, with all its problems, the Atlantic alliance is still intact after a generation largely because of the Marshall Plan. The ravages of World War II had shattered Europe. Industrial and agricultural agri-cultural production had virtually stopped, stop-ped, and the only distribution system that functioned was the black market. Thousands of people were near starvation. starva-tion. "Our policy," Marshall said, "is directed di-rected not against any country or doctrine, doc-trine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation des-peration and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence emer-gence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist." Under the proposed program, the European nations themselves were to mobilize for their own recovery, using American money to regain their economic econ-omic momentum. The United States would furnish a total to-tal of $13.4 billion in aid during the years ahead a small sum by today's inflated standards. Even then, the funds represented only 5 percent of the total investment needed to rebuild Europe. Eu-rope. But the results were quick and spectacular. - By 1950, Western Europe's industrial output was 45 percent higher than it had been in 1947. Two years later, it had soared 200 percent above the levels lev-els of 1938. The Marshall Plan also contributed to the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. Thus it spurred a sense of supranationality that, with all its present flaws, nevertheless has assured three decades of peace and cooperation. co-operation. Revisionists can point out, quite correctly, cor-rectly, that the Marshall Plan was not entirely motivated by altruism. To a large extent, it grew out of fears inside the Truman administration that the Soviet Union would push westward unless un-less Europe could attain economic and social stability. Truman already had committed $400 million to help Greece and Turkey, then threatened by communism. George Kennan, the State Department's Depart-ment's master planner, had evolved the concept of "containment," designed to block Soviet advances in Europe. In April 1947, two months before Marshall announced his plan, his deputy and later successor as secretary of state, Dean Acheson, developed the idea of deploying U.S. economic power to stop Soviet "expansionism "expan-sionism and political infiltration." But what often is overlooked in retrospect is that the plan was not directed "against any country or doctrine," doc-trine," as Marshall put it. That meant that the Soviet Union and its East European satellites could participate. The Soviet foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov, in fact went to Paris in June 1947 to discuss the project. He had reservations, since in volvement entailed opening the Soviet economy to U.S. inspection. Still, he seemed to favor the program at least at the outset. But on July 2, Molotov received a telegram from Josef Stalin, the Soviet dictator, ordering him to return home immediately. Stalin, paranoiacally suspicious, suddenly wanted no part of the plan. Not only did Stalin reject the offer, but he also exerted pressure on Eastern Europe to rebuff it. As a consequence, con-sequence, the Poles and Czechs, who had been receptive to the idea, were compelled to boycott it. And the line that divided Europe into two hostile blocs would solidify. Stalin blundered. Had he joined the Marshall Plan, he might have twisted it to his own advantage or perhaps sabotaged it. As it was, U.S. officials breathed a sigh of relief. The invitation to the Kremlin had been a gamble that America won, by default. The Soviet rejection of the plan paradoxically guaranteed its success in Washington. For the Truman administration ad-ministration now could sell it to Congress as an anti-Communist measure rather than as a gesture of generosity. Could another Marshall Plan be invented in-vented and promoted now? I doubt it, for a couple of reasons. In the first place, the United States is no longer the economic giant it was during the period after World War II. And secondly, other nations are no longer willing to put themselves under American tutelage, as they were at a time when their critical need for assistance dictated their choice. But the accomplishments of the Marshall Plan suggest that, perhaps under different conditions, allied cooperation can be achieved. Without it, certainly, the prospects for the future are bleak. (c) 1982 The Register and Tribune Syndicate Inc. Mewspaper: Subscription Rales, J6 a year in Summit County, $12 a year outside Summit County Published by Ink, Inc. USPS 378-730 Publisher jan Wilking r dimr David Hampshire Advertising Sales Jan Wilking, Bill Dickson, Don Harl Kusiness Manager Rick Lanman draphics , Becky Widenhouse, Liz Heimos Mall' Reporters Beltina Moench, Rick Brough, Morgan Queal Typesetting Sharon Pain, Jill Snyder subscription & Classifieds Marion Cooney Distribution & Photograph) Michael Spaulding Knlered as second-class matter May 25. 1977, at the post office in Park City, Utah 84O60, under the Act of March 3, 1897. Published cut) I hursda) at Park Cil) . I'tah. Second-class postage paid at Park City, Utah. I nsolicited manuscripts and photographs are welcome and will be considered for publication. However, The Newspaper will assume no responsibility for the return of such material. 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