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Show Hit'.)! ADDrat It? newipciDnmiu; Utah Sen. Orrin Hatch has proposed legislation that would require a warning label be put on liquor bottles to educate the public about the dangers of drinking alcohol. What warning would you put on the bottles? Frank Conte "Warning : Orrin Hatch may be hazardous to your health." PageA2 Thursday, August 27, 1981 DMMa&irtsil W "' J, o I J Property trade makes sense When it was first explained to us, it sounded very complicated and very peculiar. Here was Bob Wells proposing a three-way land trade that would involve Deer Valley, the Park City School District and the Wells - Huseth - Gaddis - McKnight investment group. Deer Valley would turn over title to Parcel "A" to the district, then trade Parcel "B" to the district in return for Parcel "C", which had just been bought from Dr. D. A. Osguthorpe. Parcel "C" would then be turned over to the Wells group. Something like that. There was also money involved, several million dollars, which was supposed to make the district forget about the loss of revenue to the Park City Redevelopment Agency. Got all that? To be perfectly honest, we didn't either. Unfortunately, the way the proposal was presented to the district added to the confusion, and made Wells look a bit like a wheeler-dealer with his fingers in every pie. Since then the smoke has cleared a little, and so has our understanding of the arrangement. As we see it, there are two separate transactions here. The first involves a 5.7-acre tract in Deer Valley which was designated as a "school site" on the original master plan. The problem is, 5.7 acres is about half the size required by the state to build even the smallest of schools, and there is some question whether there will be enough year-round families to warrant a school in Deer Valley anyway. So Wells suggested that the School District obtain title to the land from Deer Valley, get the land rezoned, then sell it for development. By making that suggestion, Wells was trying to appease the district for what was seen as a loss of property tax revenue to the Park City Redevelopment District. The trouble is, Deer Valley isn't too crazy about the idea. According to Executive Vice President John Miiller, the site was never intended for anything but a school, and to rezone it for development would spoil some of the view corridors and decrese the value of surrounding property. Whatever the merits of Miiller's argument, it appears that the School District and Deer Valley have some work to do before anything is done with the "school site." Wells, wisely, has withdrawn from this debate after lighting a few fires. The other transaction is more complicated, and more immediate. It involves another piece of ground in Deer Valley, about 3.5 acres, which Deer Valley agreed to set aside for employee housing. The Wells group expressed an interest in using that site for 42 units of HUD Section Eight rental housing, similar to that built by Frank Richards on Monitor Drive. However, Deer Valley lost its enthusiasm for the plan when it was discovered that the HUD housing must be made available to all who qualify, not just Deer Valley employees. So Wells started looking for other sites. His first proposal was to ask the district to trade eight acres east of the high school which had just been purchased from Dr. Osguthorpe for the 3.5-acre site in Deer Valley. That site would have been large enough for the rental units plus 40 units to be sold through the Park City Housing Authority. The trade would have been very lucrative for the district, but was opposed ; both by Osguthorpe and homeowners in Park Meadows V. It was shelved. His second proposal was to build on a 2.9-acre site south of the high school football stadium currently owned by the district. However, since this site is big enough for only half of the total low- and moderate-income project, the district would be given only a half-interest in the Deer Valley site. If the district can produce another site for the second phase of the project, then it will be given the other half interest in the Deer Valley site. Granted, the whole transaction is still a little complicated and a little peculiar. If the district agrees to the trade, it will gain a half interest in some valuable property, but no ready cash. However, if the district declines, Park City could lose 42 units of low-income rental housing. We have long supported the drive to provide Park City with more units of low-income housing, and applaud Wells' initiative in trying to fill this need. But before the district agrees to the trade, we suggest the board members ask themselves these questions: Are you satisfied that Wells and his associates have exhausted every other possibility in trying to find a site for the housing? Do you feel comfortable with this half-interest arrangement? What will happen to the 3.5 acres in Deer Valley if you cannot find a site for the second phase of the Wells project? Is the stadium site appropriate for low-income housing? What would it be used for otherwise? Given the present state of the bond market, we see the transaction as a quick way to get some cash and reduce the amount needed to bond for the new middle school. However, if the effect of this move is to get the district mixed up in property it cannot sell, we believe the board members should have some serious reservations. D.H. TWSZHI by Jack Anderson WdlClm.Mj' jUUUJlldU 11 & Joe Spear Teamwork enables Reagan to enjoy public acclaim Washington There's more than lucky coincidence involved in the ability of Ronald Reagan to appear on stage center at moments of presidential presiden-tial triumphs. His role has been carefully crafted by White House insiders who keep him in the background while subordinates deal with awkward problems. Once success is achieved, Reagan steps into the spotlight as the star of the show. A clear-cut example of this occurred when Reagan vacationed in the seclusion of his California ranch and Transportation Secretary Drew Lewis remained in Washington wrestling with the air controllers' strike. This leaves the president free to step to the fore once the air is cleared. The president's men carefully calculate calcu-late the potential pitfalls that might booby trap Reagan on public issues in White House planning documents. Some of them have reached our hands and are impressive for the careful research they involve. For instance, the policy on the air controllers' crisis predicts that the striking union will be decertified as a bargaining agent. A substitute union will be created and win acceptance when the administration offers a generous new contract. Here are some other gleanings from the White House position papers: Interest rates will continue at a high plateau well into next year and the inflation afflicting the Reagan economic program will show slow but steady improvement. Racial trouble in the ghettos won't erupt this summer even though the impact of the administration's budget cutbacks on social programs is creating anger among black leaders. But the volcanic explosion could occur next year. The White House advisers foresee no catastrophic prospect of atomic war precipitated by the Soviet Union and believe no Russian military invasion of Poland is in the immediate offing. They hedge this bet to the extent that Polish independent labor militancy could force the Kremlin into agressive action. A top-secret White Housing planning document provided Reagan with this advice: "Soviet internal considerations considera-tions suggest that the Soviet expansionist expan-sionist internationalist policy will be on 'hold' for a while in terms of major ventures, unless the Kremlin judges that intervention in Poland is unavoidable. unavoid-able. "It is unlikely that, given their reluctance to become involved in a major confrontation, the Soviets will desire to increase their visibility in the Persian Gulf either." Political Hell: In the Persian Gulf, Iran is descending into a political hell in an ayatollah's fanatic handbasket, according to intelligence sources. A study shows that virtually every one of the revolutionaries who helped overthrow over-throw the shah and install Ayatollah Khomeini in power two-and-a-half years ago are either dead or gone. Five close associates of Khomeini flew back to Tehran from exile in Paris with the ayatollah. Former President Abol Bani Sadr flew back to exile a few weeks ago with a price on his head. Another intimate, Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, is in disgrace. A third was assassinated assassin-ated in Iran's political turmoil, a fourth was killed in the Iraqi war and a fifth was wounded in the conflict and plays little part in the governmental maelstrom engulfing the country. Twelve Iranian political leaders greeted Khomeini on his return from exile. Four have been assassinated; one died of a heart attack; two are under ominous house arrest; two have been publicly disgraced; one was mysteriously hospitalized; one was shunted into political disfavor and is trying to work himself back into favor with the regime. Only one of the 12 has survived without difficulty in the revolutionary ruling circles. Money From Moscow: A revolutionary revolution-ary Red tide is lapping at the shores of poverty-striken, military-dominated Latin American neighbors which Washington has traditionally defended against foreign intervention under the historic Monroe Doctrine. Central Intelligence Agency experts now fear a new communist subversion in the area spearheaded by Cuba and financed by Moscow. A secret report being circulated among CIA strategists warns, "Latin America's time has come. The timing and opportunities, political and psychological, psy-chological, offer an irresistible field" for Soviet intrusions. The Russians, the analysts say, will avoid any missile crisis confrontation with Reagan. They will be slow and subtle. "The Soviets will instill dislike and distrust of the United States by means of the old bogeymen of imperialism and neocolonialism," the secret report warned. Rather than overthrow, the communists will resort to steering vulnerable Latin American governments govern-ments "down the 'progressive' Soviet track with military and economic aid." The ultimate goal of this disruptive campaign against the Monroe Doctrine is to "secure the resources for the USSR and deny them to the United States." ' ; Watergate Redux : There's a whiff of a Watergate smell rising from a recent burglary of the Washington office of an outfit known as the National Investigative Investiga-tive Taxpayers Fund. The organization used the services of a fervent government whistleblower, William Clinkscales, who once was chief investigator of the scandal-ridden General Services Administration. For his services in helping produce 130 criminal indictments against , corrupt federal pfficials, clinkscales was relegated to do a do-nothing GSA job. Refusing to twiddle his thumbs, he allied himself with the private National Nation-al Investigative Taxpayers Fund. The group's premises in a private office building were broken into recently along with those of two neighboring tenants. Only in Clinkscales' Clink-scales' office were the file cabinets rifled. Copyright, 1981, United Feature Syndicate, Inc. X i - k ' i IS t Ben Lemmon "If you don't drink this, you'll get worms." Wolfgang Sontag "Warning : If you empty this bottle in one gulp, you're in trouble." I do not believe limited consumption of alcohol is dangerous to one's health. - Gordon Brownlow "This bottle contains alcohol. Handle at your own risk." Starla Durbin "Drink this, go wild ." fr; - f f f4 '.it ' 3 1 1 Sabina Rosser "Drink up, be merry, and refill." ' by Stanley Karnow Emnteippirettiv Etepiiit For U.S. to narrow Asian policy to military focus is hazardous Washington, D.C. Asia is not an area to be neglected. But the Reagan administration's approach to the region, now gathering momentum, seems to me to be seriously distorted. It is predicated almost entirely on a military strategy designed to counter the rise of Soviet power. As such, it fits into the president's simplistic belief that the Russians, the source of all evil everywhere, must be discouraged by guns. Concern about the Russians is legitimate. They have built their Pacific fleet up to impressive proportions. propor-tions. They deploy a vast force along China's northern borders, and, through their Vietnamese clients, they have gained a foothold in Southeast Asia. But for the United States to narrow its Asia policy to a military focus is hazardous, for a number of reasons. Though the countries of Asia may share America's apprehensions toward to-ward the Russians, it is not at all certain that they ought to be pressed into a coalition to check a potential Soviet threat. The Southeast Asian nations are more united today than they have been at any time in history. Even so, there are differences among them that limit their ability and their willingness to act cohesively. More important, they are reluctant to get caught in the crossfire of superpower conflicts, recalling as they do the old Asian adage: "When elephants fight, the grass is trampled." Their wariness was apparent last month at the United Nations, where some Southeast Asian diplomats refused to endorse a belligerant Chinese line toward Vietnam for its occupation of Cambodia a line that the United States appears to support. Nor is there much enthusiasm in Asia for the proposition put forth by John Holdridge, the U.S. assistant secretary of state, who recommended privately in June that concerted "political, economic and, yes, military pressures" be exerted on Vietnam to withdraw its troops from Cambodia. What many Asians realize is that saber-rattling will only stiffen the intransigence of the Vietnamese, who see Chinese aid to their foes in Cambodia as the latest phase in 2,000 years of drives by China to dominate them. This does not justify Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia, which also reflects Hanoi's long-term aim to control all of former French Indochina. Indo-china. But the Vietnamese, who dramatized during the Vietnam war that they can take the worst kind of punishment, are unlikely to be scared into retreating. Moreover, the Cambodian venture costs them little, since they have manpower to spare and Moscow provides them with hardware. Equally worrisome, meanwhile, is the Reagan administration's intention to sell weapons to China, an idea advanced "in principle" by Secretary of State Alexander Haig during his visit to Peking in June. Underlying the concept is the conviction that China somehow can be strengthened to balance the Soviet Union. But, in my estimation, that notion is flawed in at least a couple of respects. As the Chinese themselves admit, China is weak and backward. To beef up its defenses, therefore, would take more equipment than the United States can produce and more than the Chinese can afford. Marginal assistance, assis-tance, however, might merely provoke the Russians. Japan and other Asian nations are untroubled by continued tensions between the Chinese and Russians, whom they can play off against each other for their own purposes. But they fear a full-scale Sino-Soviet war that would disrupt Asia, and, in addition, compel them to choose sides. Besides, Asians still distrust China despite the fact that Chinese leader Deng Xiao-ping put on a 10-gallon hat in Texas and Coca-Cola is now available in Shanghai. For they know from experience that Peking, which has switched policies repeatedly over the past generation, can change again. Interestingly, China has not turned 1 off the guerrillas it nourishes in parts of Southeast Asia perhaps because, for all its present respectability, it has not completely lost the hope of promoting a revolution one day. The most significant impact of the tough Reagan approach could take place in Japan, where the U.S. pressure on the Japanese to boost their defense expenditures is causing a good deal of domestic ferment. When Japanese Prime Minister Zenko Suzuki came here in the spring, President Reagan leaned on him to make Japan more self-sufficient militarily and reduce his reliance on America's nuclear shield. There is no evidence, though, that the Japanese plan to go along. Their current defense budget, only about $10 billion, is less than 1 percent of their gross national product, which is very small compared to other industrial nations. Most of the money is earmarked for wages, and only about 20 percent for new equipment. Apart from a hawkish faction, the Japanese are not eager to develop their military muscle. They remember the disaster of World War II. They are in no mood to challenge the Russians, with whom they have been squabbling for years over territory. And, some fear, an autonomous defense establishment establish-ment might loosen their ties to the United States. The real dynamic of Asia at tne moment is economic. Japan is making huge leaps into the field of high technology, and countries like South Korea and Taiwan are forging ahead industrially. Their security is crucial. But to concentrate on military priorities, as the Reagan administration is doing, is to head in the wrong direction. It is not, certainly, the direction that Asians would select for themselves. ( Released by The Register and Tribune Syndicate, 1981) The Newspaper: Subscription Rales, $6 a year in Summit County, $12 a year outside Summit County Published by Ink, Inc. USPS 378-730 Publisher Jan Wilking Editor Belling Moench Advertising Sales Jan Wilking, Bill Dickson Business Manager Rick Lanman Graphics Becky Widenhouse, Liz Heimos Reporters David Hampshire, Rick Brough, Doug McCulloch Pholo Editor Phyllis Rubenstein Typesetting Paula Gibson, Sabina Rosser, Kathy Deakin Subscription & Classifieds Anne Bennett Distribution Bob Grieve Entered as second-class matter May 25, 1977, at the post office in Park City, ttah 84060, under the Act of March 3, 1897. Published every Thursday at Park City, Utah. Second-class postage paid at Park City, Utah. Unsolicited manuscripts and photographs are welcome and will be considered for publication, however, The Newspaper will assume no responsibility for the return of such material. All news, advertising and photos must be received prior to the Tuesday noon deadline at our office, 419 Main Street in Park City, by mail P.O. Box 738, Park City, Ul. 84060, or by calling our office (801) 649-9014. 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