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Show JSekind Jie JJeadltned MIMWllMMIIIMmWIMIMMtl The effect of the great publi-ity publi-ity given the new De Gaulle-Adenauer Gaulle-Adenauer alliance was to encourage en-courage non-Communist Leftists such as ex-Premier Mendes-France, Mendes-France, to become more outspoken out-spoken against De Gaulle. De Gaulle's political foes have been largely underground since he averted open revolt a year ago and assumed the Presidency. Now they are telling French voters vot-ers that "De Gaulle, his Premier, Marcel Debre, and the Germans are leading France to an atomic war." There has been a lot of subtle and open criticism of Vice President Presi-dent Nixon lately for "playing politics" with the Cold War, particularly par-ticularly during the visit of Soviet So-viet First Deputy Premier Frol Kozlov to the U. S. . Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota has also been accused of "playing politics" with the Berlin and Summit issues in his marathon meeting in the Kremlin Krem-lin with Soviet Premier Khrushchev. Khrush-chev. The same charges are heard against the presidential hopefuls, hope-fuls, U. S. Senators and Gover-. Gover-. nors of both parties who have De Gaulle already has trouble with labor and business over his anti-inflation policies. Resentful Right wing militarists feel he betrayed them on Algeria. Criticism Criti-cism of De Gaulle's strengthened tis to Adenauer gave all his foes a common basis from which to undercut his regime. The British are clearly seen to be playing politics most of all with the Berlin threat and issue of a Summit conference. Prime Minister Macmillan frankly fears hs Conservative party may not be able to win Parliamentary general elections this year if the Summit talks are not held. The opposition Laborites demand Eisenhower-Krushchev and Macmillan Mac-millan talks, regardless of the outcome of the preliminary Foreign For-eign Ministers conference at Geneva. Ge-neva. Labor is presenting itself to the war-weary British as the party dedicated most to seeking agreement agree-ment and averting war, at almost any cost, with Russia. Anti-war and pacifist groups are demonstrating demon-strating f6r immediate Summit talks to prevent war over Berlin. Aneurin Bevan, fiery Welish co-leader co-leader of the Laborites, is finding find-ing popular support for his anti-Americanism anti-Americanism on the Berlin-Summit issue. Bevan would become British Foreign Secretary ' if Labor came to power, in which case Anglo-American relations could become a nightmare. It is Macmillan's pressure on Washington, more than anything else, that is forcing the U. S. to adopt a more flexible cold war policy than Secretary Dulles would have favored if he had lived. It is obvious that the outcome of the Berlin "crisis" and Summit Sum-mit issue is loaded with political dynamite here at home, on the eve of the 1960 presidential-Congressional campaign. Democrats are, for the most part, demanding a greater attempt to reconcile the Cold War. Something of a political struggle strug-gle over Berlin and the Summit is also raging in the Kremlin. Krushchev has made plain that he feels he needs prestige Summit Sum-mit talks to strengthen his power at home and his role abroad as head of the world Communist movement. Krushchev need not fear the Russian voter. But his Stalinist foes (Molotov, Suslov, etc.) and Red China are believed eager to move in on Nikita if his Berlin and Summit policies toward to-ward the West should fail. . Almost everyone is "playing politics" anymore with the Cold War. been flocking in and out of Moscow, Mos-cow, meeting Krushchev and making the front pages lately. Yet, all this doesn't even begin to compare with the way the politicians have taken over the Cold War and are using the Berlin Ber-lin and Summit issues to stay in power and win elections in Great Britain, France, East and West Germany and even the Soviet Union as well as in the U. S. In fact there seems to be little or no really serious consideration of the Berlin problem and a Summit meeting for their own sake. A key reason for this is that both an East-West Summit meet and Soviet threat to Berlin have lost their air of international urgency. And the recess in the Geneva Foreign Ministers conference con-ference is enabling politicians on both sides of the Iron Curtain to rush in and "play politics" with the Cold War, and to the diplomats' diplo-mats' display. What happened in West Germany Ger-many is still freshest In mind. Old Chancellor Konrad Adenauer Ade-nauer has nearly wrecked his Christian Democratic party by opposing roly poly Finance Minister Min-ister Ludwig Erhard's bid for the Chancellory. The death of Secretary of State John Foster Dujles and the Geneva Ge-neva conference were directly responsible for Adenauer's opposition op-position to Erhard. He feared a slackening ' of Western resolute without Dulles and the new "flexibility" of Dulles' successor Secretary Christian Herter. Adenauer Ade-nauer also feared Erhard would be more inclined to seek agreement agree-ment with Moscow through negotiations nego-tiations and compromise if be became Chancellor. They had already al-ready battled over Erhard's East-West East-West trade policies, which Adenauer Ade-nauer wants curtailed, and the European Common Market that Erhard opposes. The Christian Democrats have backed Adenauer, repudiated Erhard Er-hard and left no doubt that West Germany would continue its policy pol-icy of supporting pressure, not compromise, in negotiating with Moscow on Berlin and German reunification. The issue also gave Adenauer undisputed control of his ruling political party which he did not have before and disposed dis-posed of Erhard as a future chal-; chal-; langer to Adenauer's rule. There were immediate political repercussions in France. President Presi-dent Charles De Gaulle shares . Adenauer's hard line toward Moscow. He met and conferred often with Adenauer during the Geneva Foreign Ministers talks. De Gaulle publicly backed the West German position on Berlin. It was not generally reported, however, that there was widespread wide-spread criticism of De Gaulle's new ties to West Germany, in France itself. Many Frenchmen still hate and fear the Germans and would prefer attempts to negotiate ne-gotiate differences with Moscow to prevent at atomic World .War III, which Frenchmen drea'd. |