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Show 1 truth. EPOCH. ISSUES OF AEW Given About Inelde Information Attitude In Coal 8trlke. Clove-land- 's most sensational publl-0- f the campaign is a pamphlet One of the it L Joseph Bucklin Bishop, entitled Is-- 1 which has just 0f a New Epoch" A, issued by NeW the Co., Scott-Tha- w in sevYork. It is a compilation of the past eral articles written during for the ar or two bv Mr. Bishop They are International Quarterly. but were written in no sense partisan, as judicial statements of current The first Is on President events. Roosevelt's conduct in 1902. great coal strike of settling the The second and on the Panama Republic on "Our Work as nal, and the third is Philippines and a Civilizer in the Ca- Is Cuba. the three is that on the coal strike. It evident that Mr. Bishop has Tin most interesting of articles is very written this from inside information. It is certain that he has had access to information not heretofore made public, seme of which has obviously been added to' the article since its original The part of it most interesting to the public is that which discloses the extremely creditable part Cleveland in played by to President voluntarily coming Eoosevelts Eupport in. his efforts to settle the strike, and in heartily approving all that he had done. After describing the situation as it has been developed by the prolonged strike, Mr. Bishop goes on to say: When all efforts to bring about a settlement had failed, when the State of Pennsylvania had shown itself powerless to even maintain order in the coal region, it was natural for the peopublication. to turn to the Federal government for aid. "This they began to do early in Ocof cold tober, whei tha approach ple of the country weather sent a thrill of alarm through- out the land. Appfcals to President Roosevelt began to pour in from all quarters, both from individuals and from persons in authority. Governor Crane of Massachusetts; Mayor Low of New York City, and the heads of municipal governments generally besought the president to use his good offices in some way to bring about an adjustment in order that the imminent peril of suffering and riot might be warded from the land. The president cculd not be deaf to such No appeals. president that the country has ever usd could have been, for not only the comfort and lives of countless e were threatened, but ibihty and lawful government, and in Property were at stake in nJ!1 ,la.'y ctr r tlle land- - The president autfcority law and no prece- t0 He was fully nJt ,si,?taia this' and he succeeded by , sight 01 th8 fact that be num-pe'pl- ill fmP13i?lorus Prase which arose ?tl?lli!rters of the laadnd l9dins Eurcountries of one was somethin11 ,uc.cess recorded, was S other Presideat has Sv110 received himself was unable to fvlm - CUT RATES EAST that I StiwXwCnU;8ioa tickets east at rates. Low t0 all points east. iravoi now whll0 tickets are cheap. raiy ai,cs TICKET OFFICE comprehend it and thought it undeserved. When it was spoken of in his presence, he said to his intimate iriends, "I am being very much overpraised by everybody. I do not deserve it. It really seems to me that any man of average courage and common sense, who felt as deeply as I did the terrible calamity impending over our people, would have done ju3t what I did." He was not the only person in the land who felt the gravity of the situation. It has been charged and is still charged by his critics that he did what no other president before him had done, and what few of them would have consented to do. It is no longer a secret that in al that he did he had the hearty approval and sympathy of Cleveland. Early in bis efforts to bring about peace between the mine operators and the miners. Mr. Cleveland took occasion to express his complete accord with him. On the day following the first meeting before the president at Washington of the operators and the representatives of the strikers, which failed because of the refusal of the operators to consent to a commission of arbitration, Mr. Cleveland wrote to the president a. letter, which, in addition to expressing approval of the presidents course, and some rightecu3 indignation at the obstinacy of the contestants, contained suggestions for a plan of settlement, and gave as a reason for volunteering his views that his doing so would at least serve as an indication of the anxiety felt by millions cf our citizens on the subject. The only Democratic president that the country has had since the Civil war, thus joined hands with the Republican president in believing that a crisis had arisen which was so grave as to justify extraordinary action by the executive of the nation. It is very evident from the statement of Mr. Bishop that he has seen the letter that Mr. Cleveland wrote. The existence of that "letter has been mentioned in public before, but this is the first time that any one has made a direct quotation from it. The sentence quoted in which Cleveland speaks of the anxiety felt by millions of ou citizens on the subject,'" is of itself ample justification for the presidents action, for it recognizes the existence of an extremely perilous situation. But Mr. B'shop has more to reveal than the facts about Mr. Clevelands letter. He goes on to say: It is alo no longer a secret, that after receiving this latter from Mr. Cleveland, President Roosevelt asked him if he would consent to be a member of a commission of settlement, and that Mr. Cleveland replied in the affirmative. This acceptance persuaded the president to appoint a commission nt without the consent of the operators in case they continued in their refusal to give it, and ha proceeded to choose the members of it, with Mr. Cleveland as the first. The men whom he select- ed were mainly those subsequently ap pointed, but when the operators and their financial associates heard of the presidents purpose and heard also of Mr. Clevelands selection as member of the commission, they made haste to give their consent to the plan of arbitration. but protested vigorously against the selection cf Mr. Cleveland. They realized keenly enough what the moral effect would be upon the country of having it appear that the only who was also the living most eminent Democrat in the land stood shoulder to shoulder with Presi dent Roosevelt in what he had dene and proposed to do. That would have ended the Constitutional objection to Roosevelt's course at once and for ever. There are many ether facts in the artie'e of interest, and the pamphlet shoul-have a wide circulation. It is greatly to be desired that Clevelands letter-Ehoulbe published in full, but this .is possibly .too mush to expect. l d A LETTER OF ADVICE. Salt Lake City, Oct. 25, 1904. Sorehead, Grumbletown, Mr. J. L. Tex.: My Dear Sir Replying to your favor of the 15tli inst., asking my valuable advice as to the proper course to pursue after being disappointed politic- ally, I will say: I have had the same experience myself, yes, several times, so my counsel comes from the very depths of my heart. I have tried numerous schemes, and for that reason am well qualified to judge what it is best o do. You say you have been thrown down hard. So have I. You say you are willing to lose some coin in the attempt to get even. So am I. It woud take too much of my valuable time to tell you all the plans that have tried, to defeat the purpose of he majority of the voters here, who seem fetermind not to let me retain hat high and exalted position to which I climbed by the aid of a golden dder. It is enough to say that after everything else has failed, I am now adopting a plan which the editor of my paper assures me will be slightly successfully or very disastrous hell d if he knows which. But as e d t was the last desperate resort, I had o try it. Other men have done the same thing and failed, but as they did not have my money to hire boosters, their lack of success is not strange. Now it is not so much of a job to start a rew party as you might suppose. The first thing you need is the desire for revenge and a determlna-t'to wreck the party that honored you. even if in doiDg so you sacrifice your best friends. Then you must raise some kind of a cry that will excite people and keep them from reasoning clearly. The slogan of my campaign Down with Church Influence. I have adopted this because the Mormon church refused to take my part in this campaign and the leaders would not even help me a little bit when I asked for aid and was badly in need of it. jf n R firniiar with the history of Utah, you will remember that fifteen years ago we had the people here fighting each other on religious line? Of course, the state was not so pleasant a place to live in then as it is now and it may not be again if I can keep, my new party going, but then if it gets too hot for me I have mone enough to get away. But to come back to the things that are needed in this new party business After you have filled your soul with bitterness, the next thing is plenty o' good, hard coin. It takes money tc hire halls, headquarters, bands, speakers and pluggers. When you have sii these in plenty and have besides dailv papers that will print anything yov say, it is easy to make some people believe that you are really moulding I h"Vf started a new party. m i: v-- Have )ower? a-- public opinion. Tlmra ts quite a number of persons, count.v perhaps one hundred, in this what ir who feel sure they are doing new partv right by working for my out the me is leaving This, of course, who were idle a few weeks ago, bu who are now on my payroll. I may rot have tlm to write 1 until after election, and then may not feel like writing to anybedv but if you need any more advice, write to the editor of my paper. T- K Yours, yo-ag- exercised your privilege as free citizens of a free co entry to think for yourselves and vote as you saw fit? Is it not true that the false .charges of ecclesiastical influence in Utah polices were first made by a man whose mouth was sealed and whose dally papers were silent on this subject so long as his political power grew greater in stead of waning? Have not the paid agents, writers and servants of this one man filled the eastern press with slanderous, false, despicable stories of social and busi-les- s conditions in Utah? Do you want to aid in this work of njuring Utah? Then vote the Amer-ca- n ticket. Do you wish to divide he city and state into hostile factions? Then vote the American ticket. Do you wish to say to the nation: One nan, whose great wealth made him a United States Senator, holds the people of Utah in the hollow of his hand; when he smiles, we laugh, and are glad; when he frowns, we tremble rfith fear? Then vote the American" ticket. Look around you and see how many of the old Liberal leaders are remain-n- g out of this one-ma- n fight and standing where nearly all of- Utahs voters stand, true to their political convictions. If there really exists in Utah such a terrible rule of high churchmen over the voters as the Tribune would have you believe did that condition develop its full power in a single night, the night after Tom Kearns finally realized that his power as a political boss was gone forever? you-no- t - - - o Prophecies. Any man of a lively fancy, who knows enough of human nature to realize its abiding needs, can enumerate future discoveries by the dozen with a fair chance that perhaps one in a thousand may be realized within i century, says the London Spectator. To the same class belong the curious anticipation by native tribes, which generally take the form of news when by no conceivable :r.own, means could information have reached :hem by ordinary chancels. The present writer believes that this phenomenon, which some have explained by telegraphy, is simply a form of anticipation. The native is an inveter ite guesser and since his tongue never ceases and his invention- is active, he makes enough attempts to be fairly certain of stumbling now md then on the truth. So-Call- sd - YEARS BEFORE THE PUBLIO TWONTY-PIV- B Young Bros. Go. era nit iguts mil for the tollowflas knows PIANOS Voso & Sons Gnran Richmond ain - Rojal Rlaslns AND PAOKARD ORGANS o TO THE REPUBLICANS OF UTAH not your state been prosperous has there not been contentment and progress among the people generally tinea the Republican party cime into BOTTOM PRICE. BABY PAYMENT. Hr 38 MAIN ST. |