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Show It's a Way We Have With Us, Mr. Trotzky Ten years ago this Nov. 7 in Red Square, Petrograd the death knell of a czar was sounded and Russia's "bloodless revolution began. There were bound to be storms for the new ship of state to weather but there were two strong men at the wheel to whom all Russia looked as captains. The men were Nikolai Lenin and Leon Trotzky. ...... This year, marking the first decade of the new government, govern-ment, a "man in the street" will stand and watch the army and the workmen's organizations parade through the same square. That man was one of the "captains" , of the new Russian, fallen now from his great estate. Leon Trotzky will be a spectator where he used to be the central figure, where he once was the man on the reviewing platform receiving the salutes of all Russia. Lenin and Trotzky together intrigued, planned shaped policies drew up codes, won the czar's soldiery, lived in cellars, cel-lars, hoped, waited, worked and then in that supreme moment of 1917 ascended to the very pinnacle of tame jn Russia. Lenin lived six years after that great dream was realized Before he folded his hands in death he launched a last testament to the Russian people upholding Trotzky as the man worthy to lead them, and warning against Joseph Stalin, that "Bonapartist dictator. ... . ; . , , What has happened? Three years after Lenin s death Trotzky is expelled from membership in the Communist Executive, and the group led by Stalin controls the party. Here is one of the great moments of history working out under our very eyes, and a dramatic moment, too. Looking Look-ing back to the French Revolution there are parallels into which our later clay has read a new significance Dantons flail then Robespierre's. It seems that the men Who lead revolutions are crushed themselves by the mighty machine they start rolling. ., af,;r, Russia today offers a study that is worth while. Stalin, firm in his belief that the victory of the revolution can be won by holding the power firmly in the hands of his own Jroup and usinf every possible means to prevent free discus fion in the ranks of the party and to prevent .what we might call a "democatic election" of officials to head the party. Trotzkv assailing "that class of pureaucrats and party offictrappointeel and controlled by Stalin," and demanding restoration of control to the rank and file of the party. Satlin is at the top now and Trotzky is out The next chapter even more interesting than the struggle just witnessed wit-nessed between the two men, is now in the acting and has yet -to be written. How shall it be written .' . Is TrotTky going the way of the complaining old man who raises his voice vainly in the streets and wherever he can , find an audience? Of is he already on the way back, gathering gath-ering about him the nucleus of a new leadership and preparing prepar-ing for the moment to strike? These are interesting con-iectures. con-iectures. The next few years hold the answer. ' Trotzky at least now knows this-that plaudits, after all are empty and Fame hurries along. People have a way of speeding fame on her journey.. It's just a natural trait, perhaps. |
