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Show THE CITIZEN 4 ance brought about by some other state, the United States Senate would refuse to give us a hearing. Docs anv one imagine for a moment that the United States can take any grievance she may have to the World Court, and that other nations, members of the court, would not have the same right as we have? The Senate-hapassed several reservations which the peoAmerican inple are told will fully protect us. Some of our ternationalists are telling the people that there are so many amendments tied to the court that the court is of little consesentimental quence, and that our entrance is only desired for purposes. How will a European statesman take to such plaver as this ? We may enter the court with all the prescriptions we can what carry, but when we are in, the majority will tell us whats and we will also be politely informed that it is not a one mans court. The people are told that if we enter the court there will be no more wars. The World Court has already set the stage for another war in Turkey and that war may break any day. What moral right has anyone to call this court a world Less than half of the nations of the world are memcourt? bers of the court. It is properly the League of Nations court, nothing more, nothing less. In this court we have one vote. England enters with seven votes in the league against our one vote. The late President Harding said that he "would never think of entering any court in which the United States could not occupy a plane of perfect equality with every other power. We cannot occupy such equality with England. The cards are stacked against us. Jonathan Bourne, Jr., formerly United States Senator from Oregon, says that those who look with favor upon the world court conceive it to be a dispenser of international justice. But it is wholly subservient to the league covenant, and the covenant is not a basis for international justice and was not intended as such. Article 4 of the covenant puts the council of the league perpetually under the control of the Principal allies and associated powers, namely, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, and the United States had this country joined the league. The covenant is an instrument for giving to those powers control of world policies, including an effective veto on the deaspirations of weaker states. The character of the covenant fines the character of its creature, the court. He goes on to say that the United States is asked to give its endorsement to a court already obligated to record its approval of methods of international coercion indignantly repudiated by the American electorate in 1920. The abominable system of league mandates, under which France overawes Syria, Great Britain demands Mosul from the Turks as part of her Irak mandate, and both of those powers and Belgium exploit the former German colonies in Africa for their private gain, must be defended by the court. The mandates were granted under Article 22 of the covenant, and the covenant is the supreme law for the court. Before the war it was never disputed that a nation had exclusive right to legislate regarding immigration, naturalization, tariff, labor, coastwise commerce, narcotics, liquor, and other questions of a purely domestic nature. With the advent of the League of Nations it has been asserted that the League has jurisdiction over such subjects. It must also be remembered that the court derives its power from the League covenant, and the covenant cannot be amended' by any Senate reservation. Also the League may enforce any decision rendered by the court by the use of military power, and an international army or navy may be launched against an offending state. The mere fact that the need of reservations is recongnized is an admission that the WorldCourt statute is full of danger for the United States. Acceptance of the protocol under such conditions is but a compromise with evil. In offering reservations we only try to make the best of a bad bargain. It must be remembered, too, that a reservation may mean s 4 4 one thing to the Americans of the United States Senate but quite another to the 10 foreigners on the World Court, and it is they who have the final decision as to whether any reservation shall be binding on their own or the Leagues action. Beser-vatio- n adopted by the United States Senate, no matter how tjHy seek to modify the statute, are worthless. Their validity, becomes the suject of judgment by the court, once the United States has subscribed to the protocol. The protection, in the shape of reservations to the protocol, that the Senate may seek to throw around American independence may turn out to be no protection at all. At best they will depend upon the judgment of a foreign court. Our independence is now questioned. Why submit it to the tinkering of a court controlled by nations that owe us almost $10,000,000,000, look with envious eyes on our rapid rise in wealth, and would welcome an aportunity to profit at our expense, particularly if it could be done "with a court sanction and a semblance of legality? A question which is so vital to every citizen should be voted upon by the people. Do you want the World Court to supercede the Constitution of the United States? Do you "want Europe to dictate how we shall live in the future? Has this nation been a failure that we now must turn to Europe for advice? We are taking a long, long journey, outwardly for the sake of justice, but behind the scenes for what purpose?" The World Court gives us nothing, but it does take away our initiative to govern ourselves as we see fit. The time is near when much of our law will become null and void because of the higher court the world court. England has seven votes in the League and she will have more; England is one empire and should have only one vote. However, if it is right and proper for England to have seven votes, then it is also right and proper for the United States to have 48 votes. Each one of our states constitutes a separate government; one state cannot interfere "with the rights of another, but like England, all our states are bound by a super government at Washington. If Europe is honest in the matter she cannot honestly object to every state having a vote. Every American should procure a copy of the constitution and bylaws of the League of Nations and carefully read it and then think for himself. Do not be misled by hearsay but think for yourself. Our self government is at stake today and every effort is being made by England, France, Italy and Japan to make the World Court a ruling power of the world, the dictates of which shall be final in all international questions, and any domestic question may become an international question. There is no doubt that if we could see George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine, Thomas Jefferson and the other great patriots responsible for this great nation, we would find them in tears today, and what do you think James Motoc would say? Do not forget that the Monroe Doctrine becomes hull and void under the World Court. We have attained the highest pinnacle in self government. All nations fear us today and are jealous of us. Now we will cast our lot with them and some of our internationalists tell us that all will be well and good. It is the order of the day, and things have changed. We cannot convert or make the criminal in our penitentiary any better, yet "vve are going into Europe and tli rough the World Court produce world peace. What a glorious dream, but oh, what a nightmare and delusion. 44 4 4 SOCIALISTIC Some politicians lie awake at nights to think out plans that look good to the public, that are good vote getters, but in the end pile up untold taxes. |